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This entry deals with security cooperation in a classical sense: It focuses on state security and cooperation. This does not imply that other actors are not subjects of security or do not participate in related cooperation; it pays just tribute to the fact that states are still the main actors in both domestic and external security activities, including cooperation. It is worth noting that international and nongovernmental organizations, substate actors, companies, and others are involved in these activities as well.

International security cooperation is counterintuitive to the notion of “international anarchy.” To entrust a part of the responsibility for state survival to other actors thus sounds far-fetched; neorealism has expressed this skepticism distinctly. Yet in everyday international life, security cooperation is found in ever more varied forms: It is an ubiquitous pattern in world and in regional politics.

Cooperative strategies in security policy accept the notion of anarchy but view it in a more relaxed way than neorealists do. These strategies see states as security seekers. Security interests have become interdependent owing to the penetrability of national borders and the impossibility of perfect defense, and national interests in general have become interdependent through globalization. Competing interests are mitigated by common interests. States can signal effectively benign intentions. “Predators” and sincere partners can be distinguished. Common security institutions supply reliable information about present and future capabilities and intentions, and common norms channel the goals, interests, and actions of states in a mutually agreeable direction.

This entry provides a typology of security cooperation in today's world. It distinguishes between exclusive security cooperation, where entry rights are limited and controlled and which coordinates policies toward the nonmembership, and inclusive security cooperation, which is open and which regulates the policies of the members toward each other. Exclusive institutions contain a strong element of realism, though they are by no means exclusively rooted in realist theory. Inclusive institutions have stronger relations to liberal-institutionalist, constructivist, and normative-idealist theories. The following sections describe the basic structure, advantages and disadvantages, and theoretical underpinnings of each type.

Exclusive Security Cooperation

Coalitions of the Willing

Today's “coalition of the willing”—a short-term association of states that ally for a single strategic purpose at a certain point in time and space—was the standard type of alliance in the classical Westphalian world. In this type of coalition, the alliance does not define the mission, but the mission defines the alliance. Coalition partners are selected for their particular capabilities to achieve the specific purpose, not by more intrinsic attributes and considerations.

Coalitions of the willing contain no legal obligations, develop no institutional structure, have no common staff, entertain no common ideology or culture, elaborate no grand strategy, and refrain from integrating military forces. Their members have only a short-term time horizon. Since the strongest member or a few core members select the partners, they are exclusive.

Because of its short time horizon, the coalition of the willing cannot mitigate the security dilemma: No long shadow of the future reduces the remaining distrust among its members; no expectations are created over how relations might evolve after the short-term objective has been achieved. As an example, the “coalition against terror” includes even long-term enemies (e.g., India and Pakistan). However, with regard to nonmembers, high uncertainties emerge over whether such coalitions might turn against other states in the future. Being exclusive and unilateralist, coalitions of the willing might stimulate “coalitions of the unwilling,” or even “counter-coalitions of the threatened.”

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