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Pay for performance (PFP; also known as merit pay or performance-related pay) involves the provision of a financial reward contingent on some indicator of individual (or less frequently, group) success. PFP has been a consistent reform in government since the 1980s and remains popular.

In an era when elected officials call for evidence-based policy and rigorous evaluations of program performance, PFP represents both an affirmation and an uncomfortable anomaly. On the one hand, it perfectly captures basic themes of the current era: Public actors should be held accountable for performance, rewarded for success, and punished for failure. At the same time, however, there is considerable evidence that PFP as implemented thus far has been ineffective. For example, the U.S. federal government has tried multiple iterations of PFP since 1978. New variations of PFP are proposed but with little effort to fix the fundamental problems that undermined the previous version.

Reasons for Failure

There are a variety of reasons why PFP systems have struggled in the public setting:

Attribution difficulty: For any moderately complex task, outcomes are generally the result of group effort, and the relative contribution of a single individual is difficult to discern.

Measurement difficulty: Attribution difficulty makes it difficult to come up with individual-level performance measures that connect well with organizational goals. As a result, PFP systems generally rely on subjective ratings of performance as determined by a supervisor. It is often unclear to employees how to do well on such scales beyond staying on the good side of their supervisor. From the supervisors' perspective, they often lack the information necessary to provide an informed assessment.

Grade inflation: Employee ratings generally follow a fixed scale, for example, 1 is excellent and 5 is

below expectations. The subjectivity of these scales, the lack of an incentive to critically differentiate between good and bad performers, and the discomfort of critically rating an individual result in the vast majority being graded as above average.

Resources: PFP systems have generally been underfunded. It seems that although politicians argue for high risk and high reward, in practice they cannot tolerate the potential media scrutiny that might arise if public servants earn genuinely high rewards. Public service unions, generally critical of PFP systems, also work to keep the size of the rewards small in order to ensure that members do not actually lose out under new systems. As a result, the rewards associated by PFP systems are generally too small to be effective motivators.

Incorrect assumptions: PFP systems are based on the assumption that individuals are motivated by financial rewards. But there is a substantial literature documenting the relatively high prevalence of intrinsic motivation among public sector workers. At the very least, it seems reasonable to assume that there will be heterogeneity in reward preferences among public employees and PFP systems will not be a strong motivator for many.

At a broader level, the poor record of PFP in the public sector may be the result of (a) failure to implement it properly, (b) a poor fit with the public setting, or (c) the fact that the theory simply does not work well in any setting. While some of the problems outlined above might be remedied with better implementation (e.g., better measurement systems or more resources), the nature of the public setting often makes such changes unlikely. Most public services are complex and hard to measure, and a reluctance to provide appropriate resources is tied to the political context of public services. There is also evidence that the presumed success of PFP in the private setting is overstated, which questions the basic validity of the theory behind PFP. The empirical evidence on PFP in the private setting is quite mixed, with success generally contingent on the factors—ease of measurement and attribution, resource adequacy—that make it difficult to implement in the public sector.

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