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The term opposition comes from the Latin word opponere, meaning to put something in front of something else. An actor's opponents are those who want to block his way. Such a conflicting situation may be a game with established rules in which the opponent accepts defeat. Some opponents may, however, try to end the game and set up new rules that work for their (exclusive) advantage. When the rules of game allow everyone to enter and to compete under fair conditions, players with limited skill may lose repeatedly or be excluded for not abiding by the rules. In other cases, games may exclude players arbitrarily, or the rules may be unfair.

Against this background, we can distinguish four types of fighting against a competitor:

  • Opposition refers to those trying to defeat a so far victorious competitor but following all rules of the game.
  • Extremists are those wanting to overthrow a fair and inclusive game.
  • Members of resistance are those trying to overthrow an unfair or exclusive game in order to establish a fair and inclusive one.
  • Rebels are those fighting for victory in an unfair or exclusive game without desiring to replace it by an inclusive and fair one.

When “game” is understood as a polity and “rules of the game” as a constitution or set of laws, then opposition is a generic concept for those engaging in politics to fight against unwelcome policies and politicians and accepting the constitution and laws even in spite of possible defeat. This entry analyzes the context and the actors of opposition; it also discusses Robert Dahl's analytic framework, the functions of opposition, and finally, the most recent research developments.

Contexts

It is not self-evident that one should fight for political goals while accepting defeat. Regimes with a loyal opposition are, therefore, an exception. Certainly political dissent and nonviolent opposition were common in Democratic Athens, in Republican Rome, in some republics of medieval Italy, and within European Estate assemblies. But most of that disappeared with the advent of strong monarchic power.

The exception was England. First, the principle of “king in parliament” allowed even conflicts between the Crown and parliament to be understood as competition for the best of one single “body politic.” Second, the decline of monarchic power due to the civil war, the Glorious Revolution, and the specific relations of Sir Robert Walpole (1676–1745) with the two first kings of the Hanoverian dynasty led to the emergence of the new role of a “prime minister” with a personal power base in parliament. Patronage and benefits for allies were the central means to create support for the prime minister. Such “government by corruption” made parliament split: One side benefited from “their” prime minister and his policies; the other side advocated different policies and hoped to be part of the spoils system under a new prime minister.

In this situation, Walpole's political adversary Henry St. John 1st Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751) presented a first theory of political opposition that was very influential. According to this theory, opposition serves liberty and the common good by continually criticizing selfish or incompetent politics of the government; opposing the government does not mean disloyalty to the Crown or the constitution but only the desire to replace bad policies or politicians with better ones. Actually it has been one of the most important inventions in human history to implement, and to acknowledge, the practice of a legitimate and loyal opposition. Unfortunately, the concept was subsequently narrowed to a form of parliamentary activity and did not encompass phenomena such as political pluralism and separation of power. Moreover, it was put in the context of “ethically better alternatives,” claiming counterfactually a superior moral status for oppositional parties.

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