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The judicialization of international relations refers to the political reality that judicial actors are increasingly involved in defining what international agreements mean. Judicialization is an aspect of legalization of policy and politics in which politicians conceive of their policy and legislative options as bounded by what is legally allowed and where citizens, organizations, and firms see law as conferring on them rights that others may not abrogate. Judicialization occurs when courts gain authority to define what the law means. Where judges have the authority to say what the law means and where litigation becomes a useful way to reopen political agreements, judges become de facto lawmakers. Negotiations among actors become debates about what is legally permissible, and politics takes place in the shadow of courts with the lurking possibility of litigation shaping actor demands and political outcomes.

Most people used to think that law only existed where there was coercive power to enforce it, and thus, judicialization of politics was only possible within states. But increasingly, international relations have become both legalized and judicialized. This entry reviews how international relations came to be part of the domain of courts, discusses how the judicialization of international relations has changed international politics, and identifies where judicialized international relations are more and less prevalent.

How did International Relations Become Judicialized?

In the age of monarchies, what we today call international law consisted primarily of agreements among kings and queens, enforceable through reciprocity by state leaders. This old conception of international law still exists in public law theory and in international relations approaches that see international law as mere contracts between states. This view of international law is still voiced by governments when they assert that they have absolute sovereignty. But these are old-fashioned conceptions of international law, relics of another time and place. This “old terrain” of international law started to recede around the turn of the 20th century when domestic courts began hearing cases of alleged violations of what were largely unwritten international rules and when countries started negotiating and ratifying more detailed international treaties.

Since the end of the Cold War, international law and judicialized politics have entered a fundamentally new terrain where international treaties create binding laws, creating duties, expectations, and rights that penetrate the surface of the state. The new terrain of international law is the result of a double shift that has accelerated since 1945. One force leading to this new terrain is the substantive expansion of international law to cover issues that were traditionally governed exclusively by states. This expansion has been fueled by the rights revolution and the rising trend of governments exerting an extraterritorial reach to domestic laws. The rights revolution, which took off in the post–World War II era, is based on the premise that individuals have certain rights even if domestic constitutions or statutes do not explicitly recognize these rights. The United Nations General Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 created an aspirational goal, as the declaration itself was nonbinding. Civil rights movements of the 1960s pushed forward the development of binding international laws and treaties explicitly addressed to individuals. These rights are universal; thus, they do not depend on national ratification to exist. Meanwhile, governments in a number of capitalist countries constructed a law-based global international trade regime, and they expanded the extraterritorial reach of domestic property and antitrust rules so as to protect domestic economic interests and shape the way global forces affect domestic markets. With powerful countries already asserting an international reach to their global and domestic economic rules, the idea of increasingly coordinated international rules became a least bad alternative, even if these rules touch on issues that in theory remained the exclusive prerogative of states.

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