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Green and alternative movements first emerged in several Western European countries in the 1970s accompanied by a more general generational change toward postmaterialist values. They were mostly concerned with environmental issues, such as the antinuclear movement, but also with peace and women's issues. Since then, the electoral as well as the parliamentary performance of green parties has improved remarkably in many democratic societies (mostly, however, in European countries). Thus, green parties were not just a temporary phenomenon—as many political observers had suggested in the early 1980s—but have developed into a stable element of many party systems around the world. In 2001, the green parties created a “global network” that consists of 61 member parties:

15 from Africa: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Mali, Mauritius, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Somalia, and South Africa;

12 from the Americas: Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia (2), Dominican Republic, Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru, the United States, Uruguay, and Venezuela;

14 from the Asia-Pacific region: Australia, Japan, Mongolia, Nepal, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Pakistan, Philippines, Polynesia, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and Vanuatu; and

32 from Europe: Austria, Belgium (2), Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands (2), Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, and the United Kingdom.

Most green parties outside Europe developed later, in the mid- or late 1990s, and have remained relatively minor players in terms of electoral success. Consequently, comparative research and scholarly debates focus mainly on Western European green parties. The central scholarly contributions revolve around four topics: (1) the rise and development of the Greens in Europe (Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, 1989; Michael O'Neill, 1997; Dick Richardson & Chris Rootes, 1995), (2) their political profile (Kitschelt, 1989; Rihoux, 2001), (3) their electoral and parliamentary performance (Pascal Delwit & Jean M. de Waele, 1999), and (4) their participation in national governments (Ferdinand Müller-Rommel & Thomas Poguntke, 2002).

This entry documents the rise of green parties and describes their political profile, performance, and participation in national governments. Last, this entry discusses the impact of green parties, both as a voice for those whose views are not represented by established parties and as a way of bringing attention to issues these parties have not addressed.

From Social Movements to Green Parties

The early 1970s saw the rise of new social movements in many countries of the Western world. Most of these movements emerged spontaneously from politically independent citizen initiative groups. These groups were generally interested in specific issues such as the provision of parks, and they protested against urban renewal, new highways, or the construction of nuclear power plants. They mobilized public opinion via unconventional political behavior characteristic of earlier student movements, such as demonstrations and occasional sit-ins, information campaigns, and other similar tactics.

In the mid-1970s, one particular issue became dominant in several European countries: nuclear energy. At this time, heavily influenced by the oil crisis, most European governments had decided to expand their nuclear energy programs. It was precisely the issue of nuclear power that stimulated the rise of environmental movements at the national level, since governmental decisions on nuclear power expansion could not be resolved at the local level. Thus, more and more local action groups formed national “anti–nuclear power” umbrella organizations to concentrate their impact on policy making. In addition to issues of nuclear energy and environmental protection, the debate over the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) dual-track decision on intermediate nuclear forces and the stationing of cruise missiles and Pershing II rockets in Western Europe in the late 1970s strengthened these movements. This debate created considerable solidarity among the new social movements across Europe.

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