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Elites are small groups of persons who exercise disproportionate power and influence in social domains. It is customary to distinguish between political elites, whose locations in powerful institutions, organizations, and movements enable them to shape or influence political outcomes, often decisively, and cultural elites, who enjoy a high status and influence in nonpolitical spheres such as arts and letters, philanthropy, professions, and civic associations. At the national level, political elites number only a few thousand persons in all but the largest countries, whereas the makeup of cultural elites is more indeterminate and turns on the nonpolitical spheres regarded as consequential in a society. Taking their lead from Gaetano Mosca (1856–1941), Vilfredo Pareto (1848–1923), and Robert Michels (1876–1936), political scientists focus on political elites (simply elites hereafter), investigating how their actions and beliefs, social profiles, and overall configurations affect political regimes and policies. Below, various aspects of elite formation, autonomy, structure, transformation, and their analysis in political science are discussed.

Mosca, Pareto, and Michels portrayed elite formation as inescapable in modern societies and as imposing limits on what is possible in politics. They maintained, for example, that genuine democratic systems are impossible because there are always self-interested elites who out-organize and outwit the demos. The most that can be hoped for, in their view, is a relatively liberal but still quite unequal order led by capable, cooperative, and enlightened elites. But, they noted, elites in most societies and times fall well short of these attributes, so politics usually involve fierce power struggles between ambitious, blinkered, and insecure elites.

The research literature on elites is large. Especially prominent are studies of parliamentary and cabinet-level politicians; high civil servants; and the owners, CEOs, and board members of major business firms. Studies of military, trade union, mass media, pressure group, religious, and social movement elites are also numerous. There is, in addition, a substantial body of historical research uncovering the makeup and role of elites in pivotal events and processes of economic, political, and social change. Researchers identify elites in terms of who holds the most important formal positions in a society, who has pronounced reputations for political power and influence, or who participates in making key decisions and policies. Each identification method tends to produce a distinctive elite configuration. Concentrating on positions highlights the differentiation of elites by sectors (politics, business, government administration, etc.); focusing on reputations often identifies a cohesive and small “power elite” sitting astride diverse sectors; and studying participation in decisions and policies most often yields an array of specialized elite groups. To overcome these identification peculiarities, researchers frequently use more than one method and combine the results.

Once elites are identified, how their positions overlap and interlock can be analyzed, and data on their social background, education, and careers can be compiled from public registers and questionnaires; also, elite persons' opinions and perceptions, as well as their informal interactions and networks, may be solicited through interviews. A perennial question is the degree to which collective elite profiles mirror those of nonelite publics and, thus, the extent to which elites can be supposed to reflect and represent such publics. Other important questions include the extent to which elites are autonomous actors, how their compositions and behavior vary among societies, and how elites change, gradually or suddenly, in these and other respects.

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