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One may view electoral rules for a given office as having six basic components: (1) determination of who is eligible to be on the ballot (e.g., parties only or also individual candidates), (2) internal party rules for determining who are to be a given party's candidates and/or for specifying candidate rankings within a party list, (3) specification of ballot type, (4) specification of constituencies (districts), (5) determination of election timing, and (6) rules for ballot aggregation (tallying rules). In addition, what is not to be forgotten is the seventh component of all elections—the voter—whose preferences and beliefs about how voting rules will translate those preferences into outcomes as well as the ways in which voter preferences are geographically distributed will critically affect how electoral rules operate in the real world.

Sometimes the term electoral system is used more broadly to include other aspects of elections and their regulation, such as rules for voter suffrage, campaign finance, campaign advertising, location of and times of access to polling stations, and so on. While all these elements are interrelated and part of the study of rules for conducting an election, in this entry, because of space constraints, the focus is primarily on ballot aggregation mechanisms. The entry examines the nature of the rules that determine electoral outcomes, identifies the most important rules used worldwide, considers alternative approaches to the study of electoral systems, and discusses domains of electoral system impact.

Typologies of Electoral Rules

Elections and the political parties that compete in them are at the heart of modern democracy. The study of elections and of the voting rules that are their engines has attracted the attention of many scholars and led to a literature, which, in the 4 decades since the publication of Douglas Rae's Political Consequences of Electoral Laws in 1967 (second edition, 1971), has become well developed, both empirically and theoretically. The study of electoral rules and their effects is made easier by the existence of variables that can be precisely defined and usually made quantifiable, for example, votes and seats. Because of the close connections between the study of electoral rules and the study of topics such as party systems, representation, and constitutional design, success in understanding electoral rules and their effects can have what Rein Taagepera has called a “Rosetta stone” linkage function for more general theory building in political science.

But there are also very practical reasons for trying to understand electoral system effects. Of the fundamental aspects of constitutional design, for example, along continua such as unitary versus federal systems or parliamentary versus presidential systems, electoral rules are the easiest to change. In most countries, electoral rules are not constitutionally embedded, or at least many key details are left for legislative determination. There are myriad different ways of conducting elections, and there is widespread belief, backed by empirical evidence, that choice of electoral rules matters a great deal for who gets what, when, and how—the questions that lie at the heart of all politics. Thus, manipulation of electoral rules seems an obvious tool of institutional engineering.

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