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Discursive policy analysis focuses on discussion or debate as the main object of scrutiny. Originally, the word discourse was derived from the Latin noun discursus, which means “running to and fro.” It is this dynamic aspect that we still find in discursive policy analysis, which often concerns itself with the development of meaning. How do specific meanings evolve during the policy process? Why do certain terms pop up more often? Can we see how coalitions are organized around these terms? Why does a policy process move first this way, then that way? This entry first gives a short overview of the various meanings associated with the term discursive policy analysis, then elaborates on the relationship between discourse and practice and language and power, and ends with a short note on the normative or prescriptive potential of discursive policy analysis.

The Meaning of Discursive Policy Analysis

The discursive analyst takes discussion as the object of analysis and then sets out to trace linguistic regularities within those debates. These linguistic regularities are generally called discourses. However, the term discourse is used in different ways, ranging from the speech–act theory to the “archeology” of Michel Foucault.

What the approaches share is an anti-essentialist ontology. Discursive analysis can be placed within the constructivist or interpretive tradition of the social sciences: It assumes that language is constitutive of social realities and takes a critical stance toward a singular notion of an objective “truth” waiting to be discovered. This is not to assume that phenomena exist only in language (as critics tend to state), but it does suppose that we can perceive phenomena only by linguistically making sense of them. This assumption of multiple social realities is of particular importance for the policy analyst, because, in the words of Carol Bacchi (2000),

The premise behind a policy-as-discourse approach is that it is inappropriate to see governments as responding to “problems” that exist “out there” in the community. Rather “problems” are “created” or “given shape” in the very policy proposals that are offered as “responses.” (p. 48)

Societal events are almost by definition ambiguous and so complex that they can never be fully described. Every description or narrative gives a particular perspective on the problem; indeed, the very perspective will determine whether a particular phenomenon will be seen at all as a problem that requires political action. Words, catchphrases, metaphors, and story lines frame societal problems, and as this framing influences our answer to the question, “Who gets (and who should get) what, when, and how?” it is inherently political.

As language is not transparent—we cannot “see through” it—there is a continuous interaction between the terms in which a policy is described and the way we think about it. In their famous book Metaphors We Live By (1980), George Lakoff and Mark Johnson explained how describing something in terms of something else (what they call the “thisness of a that”) structures our thought processes. For instance, it matters whether we describe integration in terms of a melting pot, an invasion, or even a war, as the description will shape not only our understanding of what it is but also the ways we respond to it. Moreover, a particular policy will always come with categories and target groups and descriptions of deserving and undeserving people, thereby creating its own political reality. In the words of Norman Fairclough and Ruth Wodak

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