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Consociational (from Latin, consociatio—close political and social interlinkage) democracy denotes a democratic political order in which political decisions are reached mainly by negotiations between political elites. Majority rule is not the dominant technique in decision making. Rather, political actors seek to find broad compromise based on amicable arrangement. Switzerland and the Netherlands are frequently cited as examples of consociational democracy. There is a variety of conceptual definitions of consociational democracy. However, consensus exists about the antipode. This is a majoritarian democracy in which elites eschew negotiations and compromise as soon they have a plurality of 50% of the vote plus one. The best known empirical illustration is the political system of the United Kingdom. Therefore, the antipode to consociational democracy is frequently labeled “Westminster democracy” since the British parliament resides in the Palace of Westminster. The political system of postwar New Zealand comes even closer to the ideal type of a majoritarian democracy.

The concept of consociational democracy is important for the comparative analysis of political systems since it emphasizes variations between forms of democratic government. This is in stark contrast to the traditional argument that English-speaking countries have a homogeneous political culture—that is, the actors share general orientations in the political system. There is consensus with regard to general political ends and means. This is a prerequisite of a stable democratic order. The more homogeneous a political culture is, the higher the stability of democracy, with the Anglo-Saxon countries being particularly homogeneous. In a nutshell, there is one form of democratic government, and the Anglo-Saxon countries are the best examples. In contrast, Continental European countries have a heterogeneous political culture. Subgroups such as Catholic groups, workers' movements, and the middle classes differ considerably in ideology and strategy. These fundamental differences are the germ of system instability.

However, postwar history demonstrated that, in deeply divided European societies, heterogeneity in political culture and a stable democracy are not mutually exclusive. The concept and underlying causal hypotheses of consociational democracy provided explanations for the political stability in segmented societies. Obviously, there are different routes to the Rome of democracy and consociational democracy is one of these variants.

Varieties of Consociational Democracies

The term consociational democracy entered the scientific debate in 1961, when it was used to describe African political systems that accommodated by compromises a large number of groups with divergent ideologies to achieve a common goal. Arend Lijphart and Gerhard Lehmbruch applied the term to Western European countries at the end of the 1960s. In his book about the Dutch political system, Lijphart argued that, in a critical historical period during World War I, the leaders of the Dutch societal segments agreed on pragmatic solutions to deep conflicts over the relation of state and churches in education and over the electoral formula. This pacificatie (peaceful settlement) of 1917 had three major characteristics: (1) the elites negotiated on behalf of their segments without any extensive consultation with their constituencies, (2) elites of all segments participated in the agreement, and (3) the principle of proportionality in the substance of the settlement was of utmost importance (Lijphart, 1968). A deliberate decision of the elites to cooperate as the best response strategy underlay this pacificatie. Once practiced, this mode of top-level compromise became institutionalized in the Netherlands. The basic sociocultural prerequisite of this system was the pillarization (verzuiling) of society. Individuals belong to clearly separated societal pillars—that is, sociocultural subgroups—and only the elites on the top of these pillars had contact with and negotiated with elites from other pillars. Operational criteria for the classification as a consociational democracy are grand coalitions, cultural autonomy of subgroups, proportionality, and minority voting (Lijphart, 2008).

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