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Communitarianism is a social philosophy that builds on the assumption that the good should be defined socially. This core assumption is in sharp contrast with liberalism, which assumes that each person ought to determine the good individually. Communitarianism stresses that individuals are socially “embedded” rather than free agents, that people have social responsibilities to each other, to their communities, and to the common good.

Although communitarianism is a small philosophical school, it has a measure of influence on public dialogues and politics, especially as an antidote to the laissez-faire conservatism championed by Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in the United States. President Barack Obama gave voice to communitarian ideas and ideals in his book The Audacity of Hope and repeatedly during the 2008 presidential election campaign, calling on his fellow citizens to “ground our politics in the notion of a common good” (2006, p. 9), for an “age of responsibility” and to forgo identity politics in favor of building community-wide unity. At the same time, it should be noted that many in the West consider communitarian an awkward term that evokes misleading associations. Hence, Obama, as well as other public leaders who have embraced communitarian themes, such as Tony Blair in the United Kingdom and Bill Clinton in the United States, avoid the term itself.

Branches of Communitarianism

Academic (Philosophical) Communitarianism

In the 1980s, communitarian thinking was largely associated with the works of political philosophers such as Charles Taylor, Michael Sandel, and Michael Walzer. Others sometimes associated with this group include Alasdair MacIntyre, Seyla Benhabib, and Shlomo Avineri. These scholars called attention to the mistaken assumptions about the nature of the self on which liberal philosophy, especially as espoused by John Rawls, rested. Liberalism, these communitarian critics pointed out, views the person as divorced from all his moral commitments and communal attachments. These communitarians challenged this view, depicting the self as fundamentally “situated” or “contextualized” in a given culture, within a particular history, and with a particular set of values. These academic communitarians, and the sociologists who preceded them, like émile Durkheim and Ferdinand Tönnies, stressed that individuals in viable communities not only flourish as human beings but also are more reasonable and productive than isolated individuals. Only if social pressures to conform rise to excessively high levels do they undermine the development and expression of the self.

Academic communitarians also argued that the nature of the political community was misunderstood by liberalism. Where liberal philosophers described a neutral framework of rules within which a diversity of commitments to moral values can coexist, communitarians showed that such a “thin” conception of political community was both empirically misleading and normatively dangerous. Good societies, according to these authors, rested on much more than “neutral” rules and procedures; they relied on shared moral culture.

Some academic communitarians argued even more strongly on behalf of particularistic values, suggesting that, indeed, these were the only kind of values that mattered and that it was a philosophical error to posit any universal moral values. Alasdair MacIntyre wrote that human rights are as real as unicorns. Michael Walzer initially argued that concrete universal values were philosophically illusory and that societies could be measured only according to their own particularistic moral standards. As the debate over abstract universal values gave way to a discussion about cross-cultural justifications of human rights, the problems of such a relativistic position came to be widely (though not universally) acknowledged. In the 1990s, responsive communitarians developed a position that accommodated both particularistic and universal values (see below).

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