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Collective Security
A collective security system is one in which each state in the system accepts that the security of one is the concern of all and agrees to join in a collective response to threats to, and breaches of, the peace. A weaker version posits a system that commits governments to develop and enforce broadly accepted international rules in the area of international peace and security and to do so through collective action legitimized by international institutions.
The idea of collective security goes back at least to the European peace plans of the 18th century and gained ground in the post–World War I period as international society sought to restrict the previously wide-ranging right of states to resort to war as an instrument of state policy, first in the League of Nations and then in the United Nations (UN). The UN did not constitute a pure collective security system (e.g., in relation to the veto given to permanent members of the Security Council); but it contained powerful elements of collective security, above all in terms of the clear prohibition of aggressive force in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, and in the far-reaching responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security, including the authorization of mandatory sanctions and military action. The end of the Cold War appeared to many to open new opportunities for collective security, with an increasing number of enforcement resolutions adopted under Chapter VII and a very significant expansion in the number and coercive character of UN peacekeeping operation and of UN-established international administrations.
The Nature of Collective Security
Collective security raises five sets of questions about its nature, with respect to the participants in collective security arrangements, the kind of security provided, and the forms of collective action to be taken.
Security for Whom?
The traditional conception of collective security was intended to strengthen the rights of states to independence and to reinforce an international legal order built around the concepts of sovereignty and nonintervention. On the Wilsonian view, one of its chief attractions was that, in contrast to the balance of power, it guaranteed the independence of all states, including small and weak states. Yet the stress on reinforcing the rights of states and on maintaining the sanctity of established borders against forcible change has given rise to one of the most enduring dilemmas: how to accommodate change and how to prevent a collective security organization from becoming an instrument for maintaining the status quo. The liberal assumption of a shared interest in the peaceful maintenance of the status quo has been repeatedly challenged.
What Kind of Security?
Second, what kind of security is embodied in the phrase collective security? As it developed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, collective security was conceived as a response to the dangers of formal interstate violence and, in particular, to the problem of the aggressive use of force by states. Faced with the united opposition of the international community, states would come to accept that aggression simply could not pay. Although not as novel as sometimes claimed, the post–Cold War period has seen an enormous literature on the changing character of security and the changing dynamics of the global security landscape: the easing of major power rivalry and the emergence of a wide range of new security challenges connected with civil wars, domestic social conflicts, ethnic strife, refugee crises, humanitarian disasters, and transnational terrorist threats. In addition, many have argued that much greater priority should be given to human security, rather than the security of states or of regimes. Such moves illustrate the politically contested character of the concept of security, emphasized, in particular, by critical security theory. Collective security is sometimes understood analytically as a problem of capturing a well-understood and broadly shared interest (perhaps by viewing security as a global public good) in the face of the twin problems of defection and free riding. Clearly, these problems are formidable in a world in which states and government leaders are faced with powerful incentives to protect their immediate short-term interests. But such rationalist logic underplays the challenge of the essentially contested nature of security. Very different historical circumstances and divergent values mean that there is rarely an easy answer to the question of whose security is to be upheld or against which threats that security is to be promoted. Together with the deeper intervention required to deal with many new security challenges, this in turn increases the problems of legitimacy as well as the difficulties of securing the willingness of states to commit armed forces to conflicts that are often seen as marginal to core foreign policy interests.
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