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Until the early 1960s, there was a fundamental dichotomy in political science between democratic and totalitarian regimes. Authoritarian regimes were often treated as a type of totalitarian regime. However, with the collapse (Germany) and the subsequent transformation (in the former USSR) of totalitarian regimes after World War II and in the 1950s, authoritarian regimes have become the dominant form of nondemocratic government.

This entry provides a general definition of authoritarian regime as well as exploring subtypes. Among the many subtypes of authoritarian regimes, the currently most widespread one is the “electoral authoritarian” regime that combines a facade of multiparty elections with a variety of authoritarian controls that, in effect, deprive such elections of any democratic significance. Therefore, this entry, while briefly discussing other subtypes of authoritarian regimes, will particularly focus on electoral authoritarianism. Because such regimes are the dominant regime type in the Middle East and North Africa, a special emphasis will be put on this region.

A Theory of Authoritarian Regimes

Juan J. Linz developed the first full-fledged theory of authoritarian regimes, as distinct from both democracies and totalitarian regimes, as well as from many other types of other nondemocratic regimes (traditional autocracies, sultanistic regimes, semiconstitutional monarchies, oligarchic democracies). As early as 1964, Linz defined authoritarian regimes on the basis of three main characteristics: (1) limited pluralism, (2) the presence of a mentality rather than an ideology, and (3) the absence or low level of political mobilization. He developed and refined his theory in his later work (especially Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes, 2000). More recently, such regimes have started to attract greater scholarly attention for several reasons. First, the emergence of military–bureaucratic authoritarian regimes in much of Latin America and elsewhere as a new type of authoritarianism required more detailed research into their dynamics. Second, after the global resurgence of democracy or the “third wave of democratization” in the 1980s and the 1990s, there emerged a still newer type of authoritarianism generally called “electoral authoritarianism.” This type lies in the gray area between liberal democracies and “closed” authoritarian regimes, an area that they share with “electoral democracies.” Hence, in this entry, while all subtypes of authoritarian regimes will be discussed, the emphasis will be on these intermediary types.

Limited Pluralism

Starting with the three-dimensional scheme of Linz, limited pluralism contrasts with the almost unlimited pluralism of liberal democracies and the almost total absence of pluralism in totalitarian regimes. The degree of limited pluralism varies among different subtypes of authoritarian regimes. They may exclude only political opposition groups or may exclude certain types of civil society institutions as well. Such exclusion may be based on legal regulations or de facto restrictions. As this observation indicates, the degree of limited pluralism is a critical variable in distinguishing the subtypes of authoritarian regimes, as will be spelled out below.

Mentality versus Ideology

A second defining element of authoritarian regimes is the presence of a “mentality” rather than an “ideology.” In Linz's view, in contrast to the more rigid, systematic, rationally developed, utopian, and comprehensive nature of ideologies, mentalities are less systematic and more amorphous ways of thinking and feeling, more emotional than rational. Although the distinction is not clear-cut and there is a large gray area in between, “mentalities,” as recalled by the German sociologist Theodore Geiger, are, actually, more or less ambiguously developed values, such as fatherland, nation, order, hierarchy, tradition, race, ethnicity, and others. The key political characteristic of them is that, precisely because they are ambiguous and intellectually underdeveloped, creating broader political coalitions around them to build the bases of regime legitimacy is much easier than with precise, developed ideologies (Linz, 2000).

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