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Racial Disloyalty
Racial loyalty is conceived (on the model of patriotism) as a steadfast allegiance to one's race and faithfulness in discharging supposed obligations of duty, love, and friendship. It partially answers the questions: What do people owe? and How should people feel about their race, its other members, and their own membership within it? Tommie Shelby cites such loyalty as at the core of Black solidarity, along with trust in other Black people, special affection for them, racial pride, and shared values. Racial disloyalty, therefore, can be defined as the betrayal of this allegiance to one's race.
Demands to demonstrate racial loyalty and, conversely, accusations of disloyalty have been prominent among African Americans, whose socially disadvantaged condition and unjust treatment by Whites have made ingroup solidarity particularly urgent and birthed a variety of colorful and (often cruelly used) pejoratives including “Uncle Tom” (from Harriet Beecher Stowe's eponymous fictional slave), “Oreo” (from the sandwich cookie with a dark chocolate exterior and white cream filling), “house-slave” (from the belief that enslaved domestics were less militant than were field hands), and “Afro-Saxon.” Such epithets have implications for the racial identity of those labeled.
Many charges of racial disloyalty over the past half-century have been expressions of hatred and efforts to marginalize, intimidate, and silence intellectual and political outliers. Serious conceptual and ethical inquiry into the content, presuppositions, and truth conditions of racial disloyalty and its norms is rare. Randall Kennedy, in his book Sellout, has begun an examination of this discourse, its motivation, assumptions, and problems. This entry further explores Kennedy's work.
Understanding Kennedy's Work on Racial Loyalty and Betrayal
Kennedy asserts every group needs to regulate and police its members. Defection, that is, having some members coerced or enticed into disloyalty by powerful social forces, is antagonistic to a socially disadvantaged group's advancement and even survival. Viewing such anxiety, and consequent attempts at regulation, as inescapable and ineradicable, he suggests epithets and charges of selling out are used to trigger ostracism within the group, making some ingroup members, in effect, into outsiders. Thus, he rejects the counsel of Stephen Carter and others who insist on freedom of discussion and debate in a future rid of charges of racial betrayal, selling out, or other conflicts of interest. Nevertheless, Kennedy is himself concerned that racial discourse wherein Black participants are ruled by fear of being labeled sellouts encourages both self-policing and self-censorship, which stifle and distort needed ingroup discussion and debate. Yet Kennedy proposes that epithets expressing anxiety over the threat of racial defection and betrayal should be used sparingly and that evidence should be both demanded and provided by the group's members.
Kennedy, a law professor, takes a legalistic approach to the problem. Rather than focusing on questions of identity (what someone is)—whether someone is a sellout, an Uncle Tom, an Oreo, or a Trojan Horse—Kennedy's emphasis is on how they act. His project is to determine whether a certain offense has been performed. To this end, he demands defining and specifying the charge (informal), procedures for challenging it and requiring the public presentation and weighing of evidence, high standards for the informal analogue of conviction, and a (perhaps implicit) presumption of innocence for the person accused.
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