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Urban and regional planning, in its essence, is concerned with deliberate efforts by societies to influence the geography of human activities. In modern societies, this typically—but not exclusively—has involved laws and regulations that seek to control the geography of land uses and the built environment as patterns and processes of human–environment relations have changed. Thus, planning, in its simplest formulation, is about managing and responding to change—what types of development will occur, where they will occur, when will they occur, and so forth. Most often, planning is described in terms of its role in protecting the health, welfare, and safety of a community. These catchall terms, however, can encompass both progressive and regressive policies. Of course, urban and regional planning is but a single facet in the complex web of both micro- and macro-scale processes that create and re-create places in the sociospatial dialectic. The specific dimensions of planning have reflected, and continue to reflect, the problems and potential solutions identified by society. At the core of planning practice are planners themselves. Planners, as a diverse community of professionals, illustrate many of society's tensions. Are planners simply technocrats implementing and managing the development of plans and land use regulations? Are they facilitators of the status quo or agents of regressive or progressive change? How concerned should planners be with issues of professional ethics and social and economic justice? Such questions have formed part and parcel of the evolution of urban and regional planning. They are also the core ideas in the codes of ethics adopted by the planning profession.

The History of Planning

The origins of city design and planning can be detected in many ancient societies and cultural traditions. In a more contemporary sense, the legal and jurisdictional evolution of urban and regional planning is highly variable—both between and within countries. Nevertheless, a collection of guiding principles and practices can be observed in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Planning, particularly at the municipal scale, appears to have evolved most significantly during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The formalization and professionalization of planning, as one facet of societal response to the impacts of rapid industrialization and conflict over the external effects of incompatible land uses, can be easily traced. The instruments and practices of planning that emerge can be seen as one component of the evolving sociospatial dialectic at various spatial scales.

In its early forms, the legal environment of planning was strongly influenced by the common law of nuisance. At a societal level, this involved the notion that there were certain economic activities that were incompatible with housing and other urban land uses; some of these were considered dangerous or unhealthy, whereas others simply were undesirable. Ordinances and regulations on these bases typically prohibited the activities inside of city boundaries in a series of collective NIMBY (“not in my backyard”)-like actions.

As industrialization increased, broader concerns over health and safety were conjoined with efforts to respond to social, cultural, and economic conflict. In one dimension, planning became part of private responses to rapid social and economic change in the conceptualization and design of new suburban and exurban private developments and also in the utopian visions of thinkers such as Ebenezer Howard and his ideas of new garden cities. In a second public dimension, a concern for quality of life—whether conceived in idealistic utopian terms or in the practical designs for street patterns and transportation, water mains and sewers, public parks and open spaces, and the form and function of housing—brought architects, landscape architects, engineers, and an array of social and political reformers into the planning mix. In its physical manifestation, planning for infrastructure and public investment also had the potential for graft and corruption as it created positive and negative external effects. At the scale of cities, in their guise as agents of social and economic change, planners could be placed at the center of rapidly evolving capitalist social relations. The excesses of rapid economic growth and industrialization and the vicissitudes of capitalism in the urban context also drew the attention of national governments. Calls for regulation of laissez-faire economic practices included concerns over the central tenets of what evolved into urban and regional planning. It is important to note, however, that capitalists who might have opposed regulations and state oversight in general could support, and have continued to support, certain facets of planning that rendered investments in land and development more predictable and that might moderate the negative impacts of sudden land use changes.

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