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Over the past half century, extensive empirical and theoretical research on housing affordability issues has been going on throughout the developed world. In the United States, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, considerable work was done demonstrating the logical flaws in the ratio—or percentage-of-income—approach, followed by conceptualization, operationalization, and application of the residual income alternative to housing affordability. In contrast with the ratio approach, the residual income concept yields a sliding scale of affordability, taking into account the cost of nonshelter necessities and reflecting differences in household size and income. It is a more realistic and finely honed instrument for assessing housing needs, establishing eligibility criteria and payment standards for housing assistance, and underwriting home mortgages.

Perhaps the most fully developed and extensively applied version of the residual-income approach has been the shelter poverty model initially formulated by Michael Stone in 1975. Although interest in affordability concepts waned thereafter in the United States, Stone continued to argue for and use the approach, and over the past 10 to 15 years, there has been renewed interest and debate in the United States about affordability concepts.

Independently and without apparent awareness of the prior work in the United States, in the early 1990s, the residual income approach was put on a rigorous theoretical foundation in papers by Karen Hancock and Christine Whitehead in the United Kingdom. Those papers were followed by extensive discussion in the United Kingdom thereafter, albeit with limited empirical and policy application. Since the late 1990s, Australian researchers have been at the forefront of research on affordability concepts, including the residual income approach. Most recently, some researchers in continental Europe and China have not only reinforced the theoretical justification for the residual income approach but also used it in empirical studies.

The Logic of Affordability

Housing affordability is, most fundamentally, an expression of the social and material experiences of people, constituted as households, in relation to their individual housing situations. Affordability expresses the challenge each household faces in balancing the cost of its actual or potential housing on the one hand and its nonhousing expenditures on the other, within the constraints of its income.

But why give primacy to housing? What about the affordability of health care, food, and other necessities? Because of housing's distinctive physical attributes—bulky, durable, tied to land—its cost is the largest and least flexible expenditure in most families’ budgets. This cost usually makes the first claim on a household's disposable income, with other expenditures being adjusted to fit whatever income is left over. That is, it is not income alone but income in relation to the cost of housing that is decisive in determining a household's standard of living.

How, though, can it be determined whether a household has an affordability problem? Some argue that it is purely subjective. From this perspective, housing affordability per se has no generalizable meaning; it is neither rationally possible nor socially desirable to establish a normative standard of affordability other than individual choice.

Public policy and interpretation of individual experiences are mediated through analytical indicators and normative standards of affordability that transcend individual experience. Such indicators and standards make it possible to arrive at conclusions about the overall extent of affordability problems and needs and their distribution socially and geographically. They also provide an important foundation for the rational formulation, implementation, and evaluation of policies and practices—by governments, housing providers, and mortgage lenders—that deal with affordability.

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