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Among the various ways that governments seek to regulate the rental housing market—from allocating and enforcing rights between tenants and landlords to publicly provided housing, subsidies, and taxes—the most controversial is legislation to control the price at which an apartment unit is rented.

Rent control was adopted throughout Europe and North America during World War II in response to an acute housing shortage. Analysis of these “first-generation” rent control programs emphasized the detrimental impact of interfering with the market mechanism. Restricting rents below what the market would dictate creates a shortage of accommodation and reduces the incentive for landlords to maintain the quality of existing units and to invest in new ones. The design of softer, “second-generation” programs that emerged in the 1970s sought to remove or ameliorate many of the objections to earlier “hard” control regimes. In most cases, the objective was to stabilize the rate at which rents increased, at or near the long-term competitive market equilibrium price. Most economists, though still largely opposed to government regulation, acknowledged that, if properly designed, rent control programs have a fairly benign effect on the market. More recently, literature has emerged that emphasizes several noncompetitive features of the rental housing market and, by extension, suggests the possibility that rent controls may improve market efficiency and enhance social welfare.

First-Generation Rent Controls

Early rent control programs were designed to prevent landlords from exploiting the opportunity to charge excessively high rents because of a temporary shortage of rental accommodation. This was achieved by imposing a “binding” rent ceiling, or a maximum legal rent, set below the market equilibrium rate.

Though introduced as a temporary measure, rent control programs proved popular among tenants, or at least some groups of tenants, and were found in many instances politically difficult to remove.

Economists were uniformly critical of such hard rent control regimes for restricting rents well below what the market would dictate. In his analysis of New York City in 1968, for instance, Edgar O. Olsen found that rents on controlled apartments were 40% lower than they were for uncontrolled units. While some tenants benefit by paying a lower rent, a shortage of rental accommodation results: More potential tenants are encouraged to seek an apartment while some landlords are induced to withdraw units from the market because the rent that can be obtained is below their operating costs. This leads to a long queue of potential tenants unable to find accommodation and to a low vacancy rate.

Other undesirable effects are also predicted to occur. In an effort to evade rent control, “key money” and other side payments may become prevalent since there are tenants and landlords willing to enter into a rental contract above the legal rent. Tenant mobility is also reduced because households are encouraged to remain in a rent-protected unit long past the time that the services it provides are ideally suited to their needs, while the shortage of accommodation forces other households to remain in equally ill-suited apartments. This mismatching of tenants to rental units is often depicted in the image of the elderly widower living in a rent-protected four-bedroom apartment, while a family of five is crowded into a two-bedroom unit.

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