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During the mid-1980s, homelessness and other problems associated with severe poverty began to emerge in many U.S. suburban communities. Although describing homeless persons has presented methodological challenges to social scientists, the characteristics and tendencies of the suburban homeless do not appear to be substantially different from those of their urban counterparts.

A 1996 report by the Urban Institute on findings of the National Survey of Homeless Assistance Providers and Clients (NSHAPC) estimated that one in five homeless individuals was living in suburban areas. Demographically, suburban homeless are similar in age distribution to their urban counterparts. However, the suburban homeless are more likely to be female (45 percent) and white non-Hispanic (54 percent), compared to the female (29 percent) and white non-Hispanic (37 percent) homeless in the central city. The suburban homeless were found to experience homelessness and incidence of alcohol, drug, and mental health problems on a par with their central city counterparts. The suburban homeless report having been physically or sexually abused before the age of eighteen (33 percent) more than the homeless of the central city (24 percent). Furthermore, the suburban homeless use services geared toward them less than their urban counterparts, with only 50 percent reporting that they had used a soup kitchen and only 18 percent a drop-in center, compared to 68 percent and 30 percent for the urban homeless, respectively. This suggests a lack of availability of these programs outside the central city.

Like their urban counterparts, the suburban homeless utilize overnight shelters for many reasons. In an unpublished 1997 study of one Chicago suburb, Lewis and Nelson found that many of the homeless they interviewed working during the day but could not afford permanent housing. Others came to the overnight shelter only to eat a meal, and then they would work overnight shifts, sleep in their car, or stay with family and friends. Some were looking for work and divided their time between the shelter and the daytime drop-in program. Family problems were common. Mentally ill individuals, unable to afford housing on fixed incomes, were regular shelter users. Others were alcohol or drug addicted. The majority of homeless individuals interviewed had suburban roots. They had grown up, attended school, and had extended family in the immediate community or adjacent suburbs.

Key Features and Implications

Since the 1980s, suburban areas have outpaced most cities in population growth and the creation of new jobs, notably in technology, light industry, and service sectors. As the suburban population has grown, so, too, have retail shopping malls, restaurants, and hotels, which depend upon a low-wage workforce. Employment opportunities are a relatively new phenomenon in suburbia. The qualities that have traditionally attracted white middle-class families, such as safety, good schools, and quality of life, also appeal to the homeless. As the suburban population has become more heterogeneous, these communities have been confronted with social, economic, and ethnic class tensions that were previously unknown. Homelessness is one problem that has arisen as a result of social and economic changes.

Most suburbs have no history of dealing proactively (relating to acting in anticipation of a problem) with these problems. During the past several decades, gentrification (a process of renewal and rebuilding) has significantly reduced the stock of affordable urban housing, which has contributed to increasing homelessness. Affordable housing for the poor has largely been nonexistent as suburbs developed. Where social service networks exist, they have focused on the needs of the suburban middle class who can pay their own way. Many services are church based and not well positioned to respond to the increasing scope and scale of demand for basic needs such as food and shelter presented by the homeless.

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