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Cuba

At beginning of the twenty-first century, Cuba is one of the few remaining communist-socialist societies in the world. Notably, it exhibits neither the extremes of destitution and poverty known in many developing countries, nor the street homelessness seen in some wealthy nations. Nevertheless, Cuba's housing problems are severe, though they may not be immediately obvious to the casual observer.

Developments after the 1959 Revolution

The Cuban revolution of 1959, led by Fidel Castro, ousted the previous U.S.-dominated regime, and was subsequently declared a socialist revolution, with Castro remaining as President up to the time of writing (2003). In the ensuing program of social change, housing received a relatively high priority. Early in the 1960s, legislation was passed to provide security of tenure, to reduce rents, and to transform many tenants into owners. These reforms were quickly followed by mass-scale building programs to relieve the worst of the prerevolutionary slum conditions. The state took the lead in policy and implementation. However, much of the construction was undertaken on a state-supported “self-help” basis through the “microbrigade” system, which relied on workers given leave from their usual occupations to contribute labor to the construction projects.

Cuban housing law, consolidated in 1984 and 1988, provided for the transfer of existing and newly built dwellings to their occupants, at a subsidized price through cheap state loans. Today, 85 percent of Cuba's dwellings are owner occupied. The general right of individuals to a dwelling is enshrined in law, and vacant dwellings are allocated according to factors of need and merit, not economic capacity. As a consequence of these policies, Cubans tend to have a high level of security in their housing—and they pay relatively little for it.

The Cuban revolution also sought to promote equal development geographically across the island. As of 1999, 2 million of the nation's 11 million people live in Havana, making the capital significantly larger than even the second city, Santiago de Cuba, with 440,000 inhabitants. But development has been promoted primarily in areas other than Havana; arguably, this policy has contributed to the long-term decline of the historic buildings of the capital.

Housing and Homelessness in Contemporary Cuba

Since 1990, Cuba has been in a “special period” of austerity measures in response to a severe and enduring economic crisis. This was precipitated by the loss of economic and political support from the former communist countries of Eastern Europe, and exacerbated by the tightening of America's economic blockade of the island.

While an overall national housing deficit is acknowledged, homelessness is not considered to be a significant problem. In 2001, the Cuban government estimated the island's total housing stock at 3 million dwellings with a nationwide average of 3.7 inhabitants per dwelling (Instituto Nacional de la Vivienda [INV] 2001). As in 1999, 55 percent of all dwellings across the island were considered to be in good condition, 28 percent in average condition, and only 17 percent were classified as poor (INV 2000, 2001). An estimated 95 percent had a piped water supply and an electricity supply (INV 2001). But population growth, combined with the added pressure of internal migration to Havana, means that the city faces an absolute shortage of housing and severe overcrowding. Newly forming households, or those moving for work-related reasons, tend to share quarters with immediate or more extended family, often for long periods of time. Cuba's apparently strong family culture, which tolerates a high level of sharing and crowding, appears to be an important factor in averting absolute homelessness. Nevertheless, these conditions place immense pressures on relationships and family life.

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