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Welfare Reform
Welfare reform broadly refers to the changes made to the funding and delivery of welfare services. Today, it usually refers to the reform of the welfare state. After World War II, the state became the dominant funder and provider of welfare services in places such as Britain. The experience of national collectivism during the war helped lay the foundation for an expansion of state intervention within welfare. State funding and provision was thought to be the best way of guaranteeing universal access to health and education, and this was embodied in institutions such as the National Health Service. Welfare reform is important because changes in the way that welfare is governed impact on individual well-being.
Today, many observers believe that the welfare state is in need of reform. This arises for a variety of reasons. There are those who believe the welfare state is no longer feasible. For example, some argue that globalization has hollowed out the capacity of the state to intervene within welfare affairs. Consequently, any viable system of welfare has to go beyond the state. Others point to the problems posed by the rise of a consumer-driven society. According to this argument, users are increasingly unhappy with the standard level of service delivered by the state. This dissatisfaction over provision creates difficulties because it undermines the public's commitment to the collective funding of welfare services through taxation. There are also those who think that even if the welfare state is feasible, it is not desirable. For example, public choice theorists argue that the architects of the welfare state assumed that public servants were motivated by an ethic of service. Public choice theorists argue that rather than being “knights,” public servants are in fact “knaves” motivated by self-interest. Public servants use the welfare state to advance their private ends (job security, career ladders, and so on), rather than the public interest. From this standpoint, the welfare state ought to be reformed so that welfare services are based on the assumption that public servants are knaves.
Third Way
During the 1980s, public choice thinkers and the rest of the New Right dominated ideas and policies toward reform. The new public management contracting out the internal market and purchaser-provider splits are shaped largely by New Right concerns. Today, debates about reform are framed largely with reference to the third way. Advocates of the third way say that there is a need to rethink a commitment to the welfare state for a combination of the reasons previously mentioned. However, these individuals also reject the prescriptions advanced by the New Right. Advocates of the third way say that while the architects of the welfare state made a faulty assumption that public servants were always knights, public choice thinkers make the equally flawed assumption that public servants are always knaves. A public service ethic is an essential feature of welfare services, and there is a need to refashion services on the assumption that public servants are knaves and knights.
Supporters of the third way seek to steer a course beyond the governance arrangements of traditional social democrats and the New Right. If this denotes what the third way is against, it does not map out what it is in favor of. The third way is a large space that is compatible with a range of distinct, and sometimes contradictory, projects. Some individuals try to fashion a third way in funding by looking at ways that the public and private sectors may combine to build new hospitals, schools, and prisons. Public-private partnerships and the private finance initiative are examples of attempts to develop models of funding that do not rely only on the public purse (as in traditional social democracy) or private finance (as with free market liberals). Innovations also occur in provision. The “new localism” is a recent attempt to recast the relationship between central and local institutions so that local autonomy plays a much more important role in the delivery of services. The new localism allows central institutions to play a role in the regulation of basic standards but permits local bodies to have considerable freedom over the setting and implementation of policy at a local level. Proponents of the new localism argue that in place of the one-size-fitsall model of state provision, there will be local variations to reflect local circumstances. “Public interest companies” are one way these services may be delivered. Public interest companies are organizations independent of the state charged with delivering welfare services in the public interest. Foundation hospitals are an example of the public interest company model. These hospitals are funded mainly from national taxes, although they can raise limited funds from capital markets for the purposes of investment. They have a stakeholder system of governance that provides patients, the broader public, staff, and partner organizations with representation within the governance of these hospitals. Foundation hospitals can be shaped in a variety of ways. Choice can be introduced by providing hospitals with overlapping jurisdictions and allowing patients to choose among different hospitals. Voice can be enhanced by providing stakeholders with greater opportunities to shape and make decisions.
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