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Interpretive Policy Analysis
Interpretive policy analysis has become the umbrella term used by many policy researchers, university-based, governmentally based, and consulting firm–based, for approaches that use field research and other methods inspired, influenced, or undergirded by interpretive philosophical presuppositions (such as those of phenomenology, hermeneutics, and critical theory). These approaches are considered alternatives to nowtraditional quantitative policy analytic tools, such as cost-benefit analysis and survey research, which are seen as grounded in positivist philosophical presuppositions concerning the reality status (ontology) of the subject of study and its knowability (epistemology). By contrast, interpretive policy analysis, as an approach, and its tools argue for the centrality of local knowledge to successful policy analysis—knowledge held by policy-relevant actors, including legislators and implementers as well as those whose lives the policy in question is likely to affect (or is already affecting). In this, interpretive policy analysis shifts its acknowledgement of expertise to include the expert knowledge those actors have of their own lived experiences. This also shifts the role of the policy analyst from subject-matter expertise to expertise in facilitating what many interpretive scholars discuss as participatory discourse or deliberative practice. Some scholars even argue that this renders interpretive policy analysis more democratic than its more technocratic quantitative alternatives.
History of Ideas
Interpretive approaches to policy analysis began to develop in the United States in the early to mid-1970s, along with the growth of the field of policy analysis itself. Early challenges addressed the assumption inherent in the then-developing analytic tools that facts and values were distinguishable and not only should, but could, be separable. (This is a classic argument of logical positivist philosophers, one of the reasons that critics of traditional policy analysis see it as having roots in those philosophical presuppositions.) Similar discussion about facts and values was taking place at the same time in the field of urban planning, which is not surprising given that housing and urban development were central public policy concerns in the 1960s and 1970s. The planning literature that critiqued the rational planning model prevalent in the 1960s emphasized the need to involve citizens in planning deliberations, something that is echoed in more recent participatory policy arguments in the interpretive policy analysis literature. Postpositivist critiques of logical positivism and its presuppositions published in fields other than public policy and political science also influenced policy analytic thinking. Notable in this regard were social constructivism, phenomenology, hermeneutics, and critical theory. In the Anglophone literature, Charles Taylor's 1971 essay “Interpretation and the Sciences of Man” was influential, as was Clifford Geertz's The Interpretation of Cultures, with its focus on “webs of meaning” as a focus of analysis.
The critique of quantitative policy analytic approaches deepened theoretically in the 1980s. Whereas the planning literature had postulated in the 1970s that to deal with the fact-value dichotomy, the planner need only articulate her values up front and then proceed with the work. critics now argued incisively that this maintained the assumption that facts and values were separable, as if planners could step out of their values. The journal Policy Sciences, under the editorships of William Ascher, Ronald Brunner, and Douglas Torgerson, joined in advancing arguments for interpretive approaches. Building on these and other arguments, interpretive policy analysis developed further in the 1990s and through the turn of the century, often in parallel to advances in feminism and other critical theories.
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