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Interest Intermediation

One of the central pillars in theories of governance is that during the past thirty years, the relationship between the state and civil society has undergone significant change. More precisely, it is claimed that instead of the state imposing its government on the economy and society, public bodies now govern with and alongside groups who represent varying collective interests and, thus, engage in interest intermediation. In short, changes in interest intermediation are strongly linked to a conception of governance as a form of politics where public and private actors are more interdependent and equal than was previously the case.

Although it is far from clear that close relations between states and interest groups are new, research in many countries has indeed shown that these have tended to deepen and become a fundamental part of every democratic polity. To understand and study this trend, we must first grasp why public bodies and interest groups tend to become codependent and how this trait has recently evolved. The second part of this text then examines the public administration-interest group relationship “in action” by exploring how it contributes to the making and implementation of public policy.

Interest Groups and the State

The relationship between interest groups and public authorities has interested the social sciences for decades. Indeed, analysis of the depth and intensity of this relationship has frequently been used to compare and categorize states. Over recent years, however, many researchers consider that close relations between private and public actors have become generalized and that, consequently, “governance” involving both sets of protagonists has become a universal phenomenon.

Pluralism and Neocorporatism

In all democratic polities, social groups have generally created organizations charged with representing their respective interests. More precisely, these organizations are first, arenas within which these interests are defined and second, actors for defending them. If the aim of defining and defending interests has remained stable over time, it has nevertheless been carried out within territorial and sectoral environments that have differed widely. The principal aspect of these environments is the posture of the state regarding interest groups. Since the 1970s, political science has defined two ideal-types of state-interest group relations that constitute the two ends of a continuum used for comparative research: pluralism–neocorporatism.

According to this approach, “pluralist” relations between interest groups and states have three common traits. First, several interest groups exist in each sector (e.g., agriculture) or at national levels of intersectoral groups (such as trades unions' congresses or representatives of business). Second, these groups compete among themselves to affect public agenda setting and decision making. Third, the representatives of the state (e.g., civil servants working in ministries) keep themselves sufficiently distant from interest groups so they can choose those they want to favor at any given time.

In contrast to the pluralist model, neocorporatist relations between interest groups and states entail a close and continuous relationship between representatives of the state and their opposite numbers in interest groups. Generally, this form of relationship drastically reduces the number of groups that exist at either a sectoral or intersectoral level and, therefore, the degree of competition that takes place between them.

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