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Institutionalism
The study of institutions has a long pedigree. Contemporary institutionalism draws insights from older works in a wide array of disciplines including economics, political science, sociology, anthropology, and psychology. The reappearance of interest in institutions in the early 1980s follows a familiar pattern: a reaction to dominant strands of thought that neglected institutions, historical context, and process in favor of general theorizing. As a result, institutionalism is characterized by an epistemological preference for historicist rather than deductive-nomological approaches to research. The new institutionalism (NI) is less “new” than it is a restatement of previous scholarship. At the same time, the contemporary study of institutions has been reinvigorated by a concern for theoretical elaboration of microlevel processes. The following discussion traces the development of institutionalism from the nineteenth century until the emergence of the NI. Although the focus is on intellectual developments that occurred before the neoliberal turn, a historical understanding of institutionalism is useful for approaching contemporary problems of governance because the concepts used to discuss contemporary institutional arrangements originated in the past.
Nineteenth-Century European Institutionalism
A full overview of the institutionalist tradition would go back to Aristotle's discussion of regime types (politeia). More recent interest in institutions emerged during the nineteenth century among the German historical economists (GHE) or what Paul Pierson called the institutional economists. Providing a critical response to the universal theories of the classical economists, these scholars disparaged deductive work, which they considered to be self-referential mathematical modeling. They argued that economic life is better understood through empirical work rather than through logical philosophy.
Their key insight was the need for historically and sociologically informed empirical analysis of reality. The earliest figure from this group was Wilhelm Roscher. His work insisted on the importance of context—historical, social, and institutional—for understanding the laws of political economy, economic behavior, and the empirical diversity of social life. Early research focused on the relationship between the social and economic organization of society, stages of development, and evolutionary processes. Bitter conflicts with their Marxist contemporaries (followers of the theories of Karl Marx) notwithstanding, some scholars now see a close analytical affinity between the two traditions.
It is customary to divide the GHE into three generations: Early, Younger, and Last. The latter is noteworthy because it encapsulates some of the work of Max Weber, who was influenced by early GHE. Weber is perhaps the most influential modern institutionalist. Contemporary institutional works that posit institutions as an independent and non-epiphenomenal variable are indebted to Weber's theorizing a political realm that is autonomous from economics and ideas. In his discussion of the state and bureaucracy, he proposes a macrosociological theory of institutions.
Institutionalist insights are also present in Weber's theory of authority. For Weber, charismatic authority, though magical in essence, is inherently transient. As charisma exhausts itself and becomes routinized, traditional or rational-legal forms of authority take its place. With routinization, social relations and interactions become increasingly regular, predictable, and impersonal. Under modern capitalism, these take on a rational-legal form and become more extensive and elaborate. Some usages of the term institutionalization are thus a subset of Weber's process of routinization. Later institutionalist insistence on the importance of the legitimacy of social action is informed by Weber's insight that social action is framed with reference to a “sacred” metaphysical principle.
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