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Corporatism

Corporatism can be defined as a political system in which selected social and economic groups enjoying a monopolistic status of representation participate authoritatively in the decision-making and implementation processes of public policies. Corporatism and the different approaches linked to it have made the changes in the national and international economic environment one of its central explanatory variables. In particular, postwar corporatism involved the inclusion of organized labor not only at the workplace but also in national politics. Thus, the corporations on which corporatism is based are not large firms, but intermediary associations of individuals or firms in similar position and, as such, competing with one another. In this context, these corporations can suspend competition and are considered legitimate to participate in certain decision-making and implementation processes.

While these empirical processes can be traced back to the middle ages, the theoretical approaches of corporatism date back to the second half of the twentieth century. From the 1970s on, political and social sciences discovered corporatism as a new way to represent sectoral interests and conceptualized it under the term of neocorporatism. It was considered a European anomaly from what had become a predominantly American pluralist theory of interest politics. In many perfectly democratic European countries, interest groups were organized and behaved in ways reminiscent of corporatist systems. This development coincides with a more general analysis in the social sciences of the evolution of national economic systems. However, the high days of neocorporatism research have met with criticism as the technological and international developments increasingly challenged the stable relationships of corporations and the state.

Forms of Corporatism

Corporatism has a long history. The modern territorial state superseded a political and economic order that consisted of numerous corporate communities endowed with traditional rights and obligations, such as churches, estates, cities, or guilds. In this context, organized collectivities regulated cooperation and competition among themselves and their members without or with limited influence of the state.

However, these corporations ultimately proved unable to prevent the victory of the state form of political organization. For political and economic liberalism, corporations are furthermore illegitimate to mediate between the individual and the state. Nevertheless, collective organizations continued to exist, so they could be included in the political order of the state. The political solution for this problem can particularly be found in nineteenth-century Germany, where, based on Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's Philosophy of Right, corporate associations were considered necessary to participate alongside the Parliament in political negotiations. Corporatist thinking deplored social conflict brought about by party competition and market economy. In the same vein, the Catholic social doctrine favored political representation on the basis of professional groups. This political structuration was considered limiting of class divisions. Modernity should be reached by compulsory organization of society along lines of industrial sectors and producer groups. Fascist regimes, such as Benito Mussolini's (Italy), Francisco Franco's (Spain), and António de Oliveira Salazar's (Portugal) fascist regimes, were examples where the political structure of the state was considered to be the reflection of the organic structure of the society. This so-called state corporatism attempted to use corporatist organizations as an instrument of state rule. The particular structure was favored as it helped to avoid uncontrollable parliamentary democracy. However, antiparliamentarist state corporatism was only one of two forms of corporatism—societal corporatism was developed after 1945 through democratic state building and collective bargaining and theorized under the term of neocorporatism.

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