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Civil Society
The term civil society has carried a number of different associations in the history of political thought. Today, it tends to be used to signal the dense network of groups, communities, networks, and ties that stand between the individual and the modern state. Used in this way, it has become a familiar component of the main strands of contemporary liberal and democratic theorizing. In addition to its descriptive properties, the terminology of civil society carries a litany of ethical and political aspirations and implications. For some of its advocates, the achievement of an independent civil society is a necessary precondition for a healthy democracy, and its relative absence or decline is often cited as both a sign and cause of various contemporary sociopolitical maladies.
These two ways of thinking about civil society have been widely debated. As an analytical framework for interpreting the social world, the idea that civil society should be understood as, by definition, separated from and opposed to the operations of the state and official public institutions has various downsides; not least because it inhibits appreciation of the complex interrelationships between state and society that characterize contemporary governance relationships. Equally, the notion that the hugely diverse group life of Western capitalist societies promotes social values that are separable from, and possibly opposed to, the market is hard to defend. The forms of combination and association that typify civil societies in the West are typically affected and shaped by the ideas, traditions, and values that also pertain in the economic sphere.
Traditions
Historians of the idea of civil society suggest that these contemporary reservations have their roots in the complex and multifaceted intellectual genealogy of this term and the different modes of thinking that underpin its usage in modern Western thought. Both of the conceptions outlined at the start of this entry stem from a way of thinking about Western modernity that emerged in European thought in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: Specifically, the idea that modern societies can be analyzed in terms of the development of three separate and rival orders—the political, the economic, and the social. Civil society is still invoked by many of its advocates as a synonym for the values of authenticity and belonging, neither of which, it is assumed, can be achieved in politics or economic life.
More generally, the entry of civil society into the language of modern European thought was bound up with the development and spread of liberal doctrines about society and politics. Since the eighteenth century, it appeared in the context of the broadly individualistic, autonomous, and rationalistic understanding of the human personality that liberal thinkers tended to promote. In this family of arguments, civil society is a vital underpinning of, and goal for, the “modular man,” whom Ernest Gellner sees as the signature figure of Western modernity. For many liberals, it followed that social order and political obligation can be understood through the analogy of a social contract between ruler and ruled, the rule of law is a precondition for the liberty of the citizen, and the achievement of a commercial order requires and bolsters an improvement in the overall character of the interrelationships of citizens. This broad understanding of civil society as both a precondition for and marker of the distinctive trajectory of Western liberal democracy remains the predominant interpretation of it. That is not to suggest that this view is shared or admired by all. Critics observe the differentials of power and resource that characterize relationships within civil society, the apparent inability of liberal thinking to address the fundamental character of some of these inequities, and the skill and willingness of some states to orchestrate and occasionally manipulate civil society organizations for their own ends.
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