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Although the global political context can affect state–civil society relations, in general the relations between civil society and state are between two sets of empirically identifiable institutions that exist within national boundaries of particular countries at a particular time. Specifically, the civil society sector (CSS) denotes a set of legally registered and informal civil society organizations (CSOs) that are institutionally separate from government, do not distribute profits, and whose membership is not legally mandated. The state denotes a set of agencies and branches of national and subnational governments.

The concept of civil society has been used in political philosophy to denote social norms, collective interest, public and interpersonal relations, rules of conduct, and social and economic institutions in a complex society. Although there is no single agreed-on definition, most understandings assume a certain level of free-willing participation of human actors, absence of pecuniary motives, and institutional separation from government.

State–CSS relations can be characterized by the attitude of the respective parties toward each other and, given unequal power of these two parties, the effects of that attitude on the CSS. The attitude ranges from adversarial, to competitive, to accommodating, to symbiotic. Adversarial attitude entails the state actively preventing CSOs from performing all or some of their functions, whereas competitive attitude implies CSOs performing functions that the state is unwilling or unable to perform. Accommodating attitude means generally favorable disposition without interference, whereas symbiotic also entails mutual support. The effects range from decline to neutral and to growth of the CSS as a whole or some of its functions.

Adversarial relations typically result in stagnation or decline of the CSS or some of its functions, but other attitudes may result in either growth or decline or have a neutral effect, depending on specific political circumstances and function. Therefore, the state–CSS relation must be examined in the context of the country's governance type and be sensitive to the level of aggregation, that is, focus on individual organizations, types of organizations, or the CSS as a whole.

CSO and Governance Types

It is useful to distinguish two broadly defined types of CSOs: those primarily providing human services (such as health care, education, or social assistance) and those primarily expressing economic, political, or cultural interests of their constituents. It is furthermore useful to distinguish four governance types affecting state–CSO relations: dirigisme, consensus democracy, majoritarianism, and social democracy.

Dirigisme

This dictatorial governance type entails the government curtailing the democratic process in imposing its policy priorities, for example, through extra-legal harassment of the opposition, restrictions of civil rights and elected institutions, or institutional limitations on the expression of popular will. Historically, dirigisme took two distinct forms: “communist” (prevalent in countries dominated by the former USSR), characterized by a high level of state involvement in the provision of social welfare, and one that existed elsewhere in “capitalist” countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America and characterized by a low level of state social welfare programs.

Governments typically took an adversarial stance toward CSOs perceived as a threat to their authority, while tolerating or supporting CSOs instrumental to their policy goals. For example, in 1973 the military government in Chile repressed CSOs linked to working-class interests, such as community organizations, labor unions, and guild associations, while tolerating or supporting service-oriented organizations affiliated with the Catholic Church. The precedents for such policies had been set in Italy under Benito Mussolini, Portugal under António de Oliveira Salazar, and Spain under Francisco Franco. By contrast, communist governments in Eastern Europe outlawed most service-oriented organizations linked to organized religion, while actively supporting mass membership organizations instrumental to government policies. Moreover, public funding of private organizations was restricted, and human services were provided almost exclusively by state agencies. These policies severely constrained “service” and politically independent CSOs but promoted the growth of government-supported “expressive” CSOs (mainly political and sports associations).

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