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Retirement Systems
Issues of retirement and old age affect societies globally. In pre-industrialized societies, expected lifetimes were much shorter than they are today, and the elderly lived in multigenerational families with their children and grandchildren. There was no need for separate old age pension systems. Today this has largely changed.
Family support and cohabitation are still very common in low- and middle-income countries. However, in the process of development, as urbanization occurs and children move away from the towns where they grew up, the extended family system has broken down and the elderly require a separate means of support. In principle, they could save for their own old age, but unless they had a very long time perspective, they were unlikely to save enough to last their entire lifetime. As a result, when people became too old to work productively, they were at risk of falling into poverty. The breakdown of the extended family combined with worker myopia and the potential social problem of poverty among the elderly led to the development by most governments of mandatory old age programs.
Pay-as-You-Go Systems
Initially most programs were pay-as-you-go (PAYGO)—workers were required to pay contributions that were used to finance benefits to current retirees. Then, when current workers retired, the contributions of future workers were used to pay them. There was no retirement saving or investment in the typical public old age program. Contributions took the form of a payroll tax; because pensions were supposed to replace wages, a payroll tax was relatively easy to collect from large employers, and it was hoped that workers would be willing to pay because they would regard this as a premium for valuable old age insurance. The required tax rate was very low at first because there were many young workers and few eligible retirees. Benefits took two alternative forms: a flat (uniform) benefit at the poverty floor or a defined benefit that rose with wages and years of contributions.
However, several problems have become apparent in these programs. The number of retirees has grown faster than workers; as the schemes have matured, birth rates have fallen and longevity has increased. As a result, the current contribution rate will be insufficient to cover promised benefits. In the United States and many other countries, expenditures already exceed contributions.
In some cases, governments have bailed out their pension schemes but have created general fiscal deficits as a result. In other cases, they have defaulted on their pension promises to the elderly or have dramatically raised the payroll tax (sometimes to 30% or more). The high payroll tax rate diminishes workers' incentive to work and contribute. Instead, they evade paying by underreporting wages, becoming self-employed (often the self-employed are not covered), and working off the books in the “informal” sector that escapes taxes and regulations. This evasion exacerbates the fiscal problem.
Benefit formulas in many countries further discourage work—for example, benefits rise little if at all with additional work or pension postponement, so workers start the pension and stop work as soon as they can. Early retirement, sometimes as early as age 50 or before, became common in Europe and most developing countries. This makes the system more costly and reduces a country's labor resources. Empirical evidence indicates that people are less likely to save for their old age than they would be in the absence of such programs. This reduces national saving, which is essential for building capital resources for economic growth.
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