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For most students and practitioners of international relations, dominant modes of thinking about world politics derive from several traditions stressing the role of force and the management of military power. Thucydides, Niccoló Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, and Carl von Clausewitz provide the canonical interpretations of this understanding that might trump rights in the interplay of autonomous political actors. In modern times, this interplay has mainly involved the conflictual relations among sovereign territorial states, especially in the course of warfare. The more classical versions of realist thought have been influentially related to the contemporary world by a series of commentators, including Hans Morgenthau, George F. Kennan, and Henry Kissinger, and by a more academic literature associated with the neorealist emphasis on the structure of power relations as a determinant of conflict and its management. Kenneth Waltz has been the most influential writer in this neorealist modification of realism.

This realist consensus is skeptical of the relevance of either morality or international law, particularly where the vital interests of states are engaged. Such a perspective is also not well adapted to addressing urgent current concerns about global public goods in the face of such challenges as climate change or the menace of weaponry of mass destruction. Unfortunately, global policy making by most political leaders throughout the world continues to be based on this increasingly outmoded, zero-sum view of political reality, which is strongly biased toward win/lose strategies of problem solving and unduly skeptical about win/win strategies of cooperation and reconciliation. This criticism seems particularly applicable to the leaders of the most important countries, and to the United States above all others, as exhibited by an exaggerated reliance on the relevance of military capabilities for the achievement of national goals in global settings.

Decolonization and the Decline of Hard Power

What realism fails to grasp in the 21st century is the declining relevance of hard power to the resolution of international conflicts and the corresponding rise in significance of soft power, whether or not linked to an actor possessing inferior hard power. Even a superficial consideration of the history of internationally relevant conflicts since the end of World War II seems to validate this generalization. The decolonization movement as it unfolded in one country after another illustrated the potency of a historical trend that linked the soft power benefits of legitimacy (for instance, the legitimacy of self-determination struggles as contrasted with the illegitimacy of colonial claims) as overcoming the handicaps of military inferiority (as measured by weaponry and battlefield outcomes). Overall, yet with some exceptions, the trend has favored political victories for actors successfully combining legitimacy advantages with a soft power approach. This has meant outcomes in colonial wars taking a decolonizing form of sovereign independence in the aftermath of more or less bloody conflicts.

Reviewing this pattern of results, it seems that the impact of legitimacy shifted the relation of political forces in a manner that contradicts realist assessments. At one extreme, decolonization struggles were bloody, as in Indochina and Algeria, while at the other extreme, the violence was minimal, as with the ending of British colonial rule in India thanks to the Gandhian movement based on nonviolent militancy. But in almost every case, the outcome was the same, a victory for the militarily weaker, yet politically more legitimate, side. Part of the argument here is that power has been transformed by altered historical conditions, especially the spread of a nationalist ethos to the non-Western world and the degree to which exemplary soft power victories by the weaker side strengthened the commitment to accept high costs because of the demonstration effect of outcomes elsewhere.

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