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A convergence of global crises (financial, environmental, energy, food) in the early 21st century has contributed to a dramatic revaluation of and rush to control land, especially land located in the global South. Transnational and national economic actors from various business sectors are acquiring, or declaring their intention to acquire, large swathes of land on which to build, maintain, or extend large-scale extractive and agro-industrial enterprises. National governments in “finance-rich, resource-poor” countries are looking to “finance-poor, resource-rich” countries to help secure their own food and energy needs into the future.

To be sure, land in the global South has been coveted for multiple reasons, historically. But in the global era, there is momentum building behind an apparently newer idea: that long-term control of large landholdings beyond one's own national borders is needed to supply the food and energy needed to sustain one's own population and society into the future. As a result, there has been a rise in the volume of cross-border large-scale land deals. Many of the large-scale land deals are driven by transnational corporations (TNCs) and, in some cases, by foreign governments, but almost always in close partnership (or collusion) with national governments. In some cases, too, national governments are actively shopping around for possible land investors.

Types of Land Use Change

To get a broader understanding of land issues today requires unpacking the vague notions of land use. Global land use is changing not just in one direction (e.g., in favor of food or biofuel production for export); instead, it has many faces. There are at least four broad types of land use change.

Type A: Land Use Change within Food-Oriented Production

In Type A, lands remain within food production, but the purposes for which food is produced have changed. In aggregated official censuses, these changes in land use are not always captured. There are at least two subcategories: A1 and A2. A1 involves lands previously dedicated to food production for consumption that are converted to food production for domestic exchange. This is perhaps one of the most extensive types of land use change historically. If the population of the world continues to increase at the current pace, somehow new lands have to be put to agricultural cultivation to produce more food. By 2005, the total cultivated land in the world was 1.5 billion. From 1990 to 2005, a yearly average of 2.7 million hectares (ha) was put to agricultural use, although these data were the result of “declines in industrialized and transition countries (−0.9 and −2 million ha, respectively)” that “were more than outweighed by increases of 5.5 million ha per year in developing countries” (World Bank, 2010, p. x). Not all of this new cultivation was devoted to food crops though, as the data include plantation forests for pulp (p. xi).

A2 involves lands previously devoted to food production for consumption or domestic exchange, which are converted to food production for export. It is this subcategory that is the focus of the current global land grab and its critics. Although this kind of land use change is not new, there are some new features associated with it today that contribute to making it even more controversial. First, A2 involves a new set of nontraditional land-grabbing countries (e.g., Gulf States, South Korea, China), alongside the more traditional ones. The 2007–2008 world food crisis prompted many of the nontraditional players to begin transacting land deals in developing countries as a way to ensure their own food security. Second, whether traditional or nontraditional, today's land grabbers are gaining control of land through a combination of land purchases (where possible) and long-term leases of up to 99 years (where allowed). Third, many recent A2-type land use conversions are planned not for feeding people, but for feeding livestock (e.g., soya), fueling cars (e.g., palm oil) and industry (e.g., “green plastics”), or as indirect result of some crop use change. Fourth, the pace of land use conversion in this sub-category alone is rapid and extensive.

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