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The emergence of various international criminal tribunals in the late 20th century is perhaps the strongest indication of the globalization of international law. The revolutionary nature of the idea of an international criminal tribunal lies in the combination of the two elements, international and criminal. Both international law and criminal law have been around for centuries. International law regulated relations between governing entities, but, even before the emergence of modern states, the punishment of crimes was always the privilege of the ruler. What should happen if the acts of the ruler could be considered, by some moral standard, criminal, has exercised political philosophers and inspired revolutions.

The idea that a ruler's power cannot be absolute, that there must be standards beyond the ruler to protect citizens, has become the foundation stone of international human rights law. However, the idea of international criminal law, and international criminal tribunals, goes a step further. In the extreme case where the ruler commits or condones crimes against his people, it takes not only the formulation of norms but also the administration of punitive justice out of his hands and up to the international level, even to the point where the ruler can be tried on criminal charges.

History

Although there have been earlier instances of trials with judges from more than one country, the father of the modern idea of an international criminal tribunal is Gustave Moynier, one of the founders of the Red Cross, who formulated it in 1872. However, even after World War I, the idea of a permanent international criminal court, briefly mooted in the League of Nations, was rejected as “premature.” It fell to individuals and nongovernmental organizations to keep the idea alive. Crimes committed before and during World War II prompted a renewed call for establishing a permanent international criminal court, but instead ad hoc international tribunals were created at Nuremberg and Tokyo. Although the creation of these special tribunals could be faulted for imposing a kind of “victor's justice” on the accused, and for trying them for offenses that were newly defined as “crimes,” the tribunals were widely accepted as legitimate. As the philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre (1968) observed, “The Nuremberg tribunal, an ambiguous body, was no doubt born of the right of the strongest; but at the same time it opened a perspective for the future by setting a precedent, the embryo of a tradition” (p. 42).

Peoples' Tribunals

The idea of an international criminal court received a new, much more radical impetus with the institution of the Russell Tribunals since 1967. The first Russell Tribunal was an initiative in opposition to the Vietnam War by two august political philosophers, Lord Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre. It mimicked judicial procedure to the extent that it examined evidence and sought to establish on the basis of the evidence whether—or, rather, that—the United States was breaking existing rules of humanitarian law. But it recognized that it was powerless and hence decided not to pass a sentence. The tribunal members were intended to be a “jury of conscience” rather than judges.

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