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Fascism was one of the major global ideologies of the 20th century. The first use of the term fascism is credited to Benito Mussolini who, in March 1919, employed it for his new Italian political movement. The Italian word fascismo derives from the Latin fasces—a bundle of rods with an axe—a symbol of authority in ancient Rome. Between 1919 and 1945, fascist or national-socialist movements arose across much of the Western world; however, it was only in Europe that fascist movements and parties gained measurable popular support and in some cases rose to power. The Italian Fascist Party and the German Nazi Party are the best known and most studied examples of fascist movements by virtue of the fact that they both obtained sizable popular support and also controlled the reins of state power.

According to Roger Eatwell, the fascist worldview has four principal attributes. First, fascism is characterized by a fervent nationalism that frequently involves the conflation of nation with race. Second, fascism ascribes to a holism, that is, the belief that society consists of more than a group of individuals. Here the interests of the collective or the nation superimpose themselves above those of the individual and of particular social classes, such as workers and capitalists. Third, fascism endorses a radicalism embodying the rejection of existing society and the power of the ruling elites. Fourth, fascism repudiates both traditional capitalism and Marxism and, in their stead, frequently emphasizes an ideology of “the third way,” namely, one that offers an alternative to liberal capitalism and Marxist socialism but that, in reality, draws on elements from both.

Many questions persist regarding the allure that fascism, as a global or a transnational political movement of the interwar period, had for millions of Europeans. Why fascism or National Socialism succeeded to attract a sizable following in Italy and Germany but not in England and France is one question that has received considerable scholarly attention. For instance, between 1919 and 1939, fascist movements and parties varied significantly in terms of their popular support. Take the cases of Germany and France. The Nazi Party of Germany became the largest mass party in Weimar Germany, capturing nearly 38% of the popular vote in the Reichstag elections of July 31, 1932, whereas the notably fascist French Popular Party of Jacques Doriot in its two electoral competitions won a meager 2.7% and 1.6% of the vote in the two partial legislative elections of August 1936 and April 1938, respectively. Explanations for national variation in interwar fascist popularity abound. However, whereas each thesis may explain the success or failure of interwar fascism in one or two countries, each proves unsatisfactory when extended beyond a few cases.

Five Theories of the Rise of Fascism

World War I Outcomes

One of the prevailing explanations for the rise of interwar fascism emphasizes outcomes of World War I. According to this argument, fascism emerged earliest and made its greatest gains in countries that had lost territory or had their territorial ambitions thwarted or had been disappointed by the peace terms at the end of World War I. Whereas the revenge factor can help to explain fascism's success in Italy and Germany and fascism's failure in France and England, territorial vendettas fail to enhance our understanding of fascism's prominence in Belgium. In the 1936 Belgian legislative elections, Belgian fascism (Rexists and Flemish nationalists) stunned the Belgian electorate by winning 37 of 202 parliamentary seats. This feat was remarkable considering the newly founded Rexist movement (which won 31 parliamentary seats) had no party organization or prior legislative experience. However, Belgium had emerged as one of the victors in World War I and escaped the deprivation and humiliation associated with the postwar period.

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