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Constitutionalism
Constitutionalism has a variety of meanings in the global era, and neither is limited to specific historical connotations nor qualifies as an exclusively normative structure or institutional arrangement. Whereas the term constitution in a broad sense has been used to describe the “status” of a political community, determined by geopolitical, cultural, social, political, economic, or legal factors, constitutionalism is a more demanding and recent innovation in the history of political thought.
The concept has descriptive and prescriptive, formal and substantial, as well as procedural and institutional dimensions. Used in a descriptive way, it describes the historical struggle for a limited government as well as fundamental rights and freedoms including political participation of the people. This historical struggle is most significantly reflected by the American and the French revolutions, which, being successful, caused constitutional movements all over Europe. The first half of the 19th century thus can be described as an “age of constitutionalism.” The U.S. federal Constitution is often viewed as a model for constitutionalization processes: The constituent power of the relevant people was brought to bear in constitutional conventions leading to the adoption of the relevant constitution. The subsequent exercise of constituent power could then be effectuated by either enacting constitutional amendments or, on an informal day-to-day basis, through manifold forms of political participation. The latter finds expression in a famous quote by French philosopher Ernest Renan: a plébiscite de tous les jours [a daily plebiscite] (in Qu'est-ce qu'une nation? [What is a nation?], 1882). Regardless of all the detours and setbacks faced by the idea of constitutionalism when confronted with fascist or communist totalitarianism, it had a new momentum after the breakdown of the Iron Curtain in 1989–1990 and finally gained universal recognition by the end of the 20th century.
Prescriptive Features
The modern-day universality of constitutionalism is first and foremost based on its prescriptive nucleus: the notion that any form of government (or governance) has to be legitimized as well as limited in its powers. In such a Lockean sense, constitutionalism serves to define what empowers and limits the legitimate exercise of governmental authority. Among the essential legitimizing features, the sovereignty of the people and as the obvious result thereof, the people's constituent power, rank first. Abbé Sieyès, on the eve of the French Revolution, acclaimed the emancipatory potential of this constituent power in his pamphlet What Is the Third Estate? (1789) and furthermore made the classic division between the constituent and constituted power of the people. However, because plurinational, multi-ethnic, and multi-religious societies comprise heterogeneous citizenship endowed with constituent power, rather than homogeneous people, the sovereignty of the people has to be reframed as the “sovereignty of the citizens,” and constitution building becomes an ongoing, open process of political integration by the citizens. The substantive guarantees of such “procedural constitutionalism” are often based on the notion of human dignity, which encompasses basic human rights ensuring freedom and equality (before the law). The orientation toward the common good has substantive as well as procedural elements. The same is true for another core principle of constitutionalism: the rule of law. Among other elements, it embraces the ideals of material justice, impartiality and fairness, legal certainty and proportionality, and in particular due process guarantees. Constitutionalism finally requires a formal mechanism for the enacting of laws (legality) and institutional safeguards for the three separate branches of government: legislative, executive, and judicial. Regarding the last named, constitutional justice and the idea of judicial review are nowadays universal features of constitutionalism. In general, all the aforementioned criteria work as a blueprint of constitution-building processes in emerging democracies and as structural prerequisites of a secular, reason-based polity.
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