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Events of recent years have caused a resurgence of interest in both nationalism and religion as forms of political identity and sources of collective solidarity. This has been particularly true of, though not limited to, instances of political conflict and, in some cases, collective violence that to some observers appear to be motivated by nationalist and/or religious aspirations. These instances of religious politics and politicized religion include conflict in the Middle East between Israelis and Palestinians; the rise of a Hindu nationalist party in India and repeated instances of interreligious strife there; the increasing scope and power of the Religious Right in the United States from the late 1970s through the early 2000s; conflicts between the Chinese state and minority religious movements such as Falun Gong; a genocidal campaign in Sudan, in which both nationalist and religious motives seem to play a role; a long-standing war in Russia between the state and Chechen separatists, in which religious boundaries are interwoven with nationalist ones; a rise in western European nativism in the face of unprecedented immigration by religious minorities; complex internal and religious conflict in Iraq following the removal from power of Saddam Hussein; the rapid spread of Pentecostalism in Latin America and other parts of the developing world; and, perhaps above all, the rise of global networks of terrorists who claim to carry out their violence in the name of Islam—and who at the same time harbor political aspirations. All these examples have caused scholars and policy makers to revisit earlier views of secularization that saw unilinear modernization processes as leading to a reduction in religion's scope and influence over collective life. Though several decades ago, social scientists widely expected both nationalism and religion to wane as modernization proceeded, the consensus has now shifted, and both are recognized as among the most potent forces in the contemporary world.

Yet while there is scholarly consensus that to understand the contemporary world there is a need to understand the sometimes interconnected phenomena of religion and nationalism, there is little consensus indeed about basic conceptual and definitional approaches to them. Above all, there is a need to understand what forms relationships between nationalism and religion can take and, especially, whether or not the generalized phenomenon of “religious nationalism” can be said to underlie some or all of the recent global developments noted above. What would it mean for nationalism to be “religious”? To a considerable extent, this question depends on how scholars define “religion” and “nationalism.” While these issues may seem to be “academic,” they are an unavoidable starting point for the questions under consideration here.

Defining and Conceptualizing Religion and Nationalism

As can be seen in other entries in this volume, myriad definitions of “religion” and “the religious” have been formulated. While not all can be surveyed here, it is worthwhile to note several characteristic types of definitions relevant to the questions at hand. Some approaches are “Durkheimian” (meaning that they are derivative from or share an affinity with the work of the pioneering sociologist Émile Durkheim, and here we use this categorization loosely so as to include some approaches that differ on some points from Durkheim's own approach). These approaches tend to see religion as pervasive and deeply embedded in all of social life. From a Durkheimian point of view, all “collective representations” or symbols ultimately have religious roots, and thus, any social order is religious. Such approaches, it is worth noting, treat the terms religious and sacred as essentially synonymous. It is also worth noting that Durkheimian conceptualizations and definitions of religion and the religious tend to be functionalist: They typically attempt to include claims about the fundamental purposes or social needs served by religion. For example, such approaches might define religion in part by its capacity to engender and maintain social solidarity or by its ability to engender symbolic images of the social order and the social world outside it that make society possible. Viewing religion in broad, Durkheimian terms has a number of advantages. At the same time, it has the potential to gloss over some distinctions that might be useful for research purposes.

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