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New Religions in Cuba

Some religious traditions in the Caribbean island nation of Cuba could be considered “new” as they have not long been present on the island, even though most have been practiced in other locations of the Americas. For example, the Assemblies of God currently have congregations in Cuba but were not part of the island's religious landscape earlier. Though not new in Cuba either, the Jehovah's Witnesses are currently more visible in urban centers, among tourists if not island inhabitants. That these two traditions are now observable in the nation is a new phenomenon, and they are joined by distinctively Cuban religious practices in the novel situation of visibility. Indeed, the two observable practices as well as the distinct Cuban religious traditions have had global representation for some time. But the island's open tolerance and recognition of Cuban religions is a new state of affairs, in sharp contrast to the clandestine existence imposed on these distinctive customs over the course of the four previous centuries. Consequently, a discussion of “new religions” in Cuba will necessarily center on what is new for religions “in” Cuba: public recognition and tolerance toward distinctively Cuban religious traditions that have been exported and practiced across the globe. This entry focuses on Cuba's distinctive religions and their changed situation within the nation.

Cuba's Religious Traditions

There are five to seven religious practices with origins in the history of the island but that are currently experiencing a new openness toward their sacred customs. The traditions are Palo Monte/Mayombe, Regla de Ocha/Lukumí, Arrara, Vodou, Abakuá, Espiritismo, and maybe Muertéra Bembé de Sao. Muertéra is questionable because it has yet to be confirmed as a religious practice that has history and ritual practices embedded in Cuba and separate from the others. Similarly, Abakuá should not be considered a religion because it is a secret and exclusively male fraternal organization, although it possesses rituals that come from one or more of the other practices and is particular to Cuba. For more than four centuries, all of these distinct practices were subjected to police harassment of ritual activities, persecution of their priest leaders, denial of public expression of sacred symbols, members’ denial of their practice, and communities holding clandestine meetings. The intensity of official ridicule and persecution varied with sociopolitical events and with the historical time period. However, at times, practitioners could be incarcerated for their religious activities.

During Cuba's long colonial period (1500s to 1898), the Catholic clergy disdained and forbade practice of the island's unique religions. The Church's four-century opposition was mostly because nearly all of the religions were either Africa based in ethos and cosmic orientation or distinguished by their close relationship to these two aspects. Both the Catholic Church and Cuban official authorities saw no value in the unique religions but deemed them idolatrous, fetishist, or even demonic. No small part of the antagonism was based on the fact that rather than convert to Catholicism, the vast number of enslaved Africans and their descendants continued to adhere to their adapted customs. Even as Catholicism became firmly entrenched in Cuba's sociopolitical reality, the African descendant population, as well as some Black and White Cuban-born criollos, continued to revere the Africa-related traditions. When these practices began to reflect incorporations from Catholicism, clergy officials still saw no legitimacy in the distinct Cuban creations and continued to support social controls that greatly discriminated against practitioners and their sacred ways of life.

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