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Islamic modernism is a term used to describe a major social, intellectual, and political movement arising in the 19th and 20th centuries, formulated in response to Western colonial projects and hegemonies throughout the globe and reflective of attempts to address modern questions of democracy, liberal human rights, and nationalism through a reformation of Islamic ideas and concepts. The Islamic modernist movement was unlike the Islamic revivalist movements—which called for a return to an authentic divine mandate and a society based on the examples of Muhammad, his companions, and followers—and also the movement of the nationalistic secularists—many of whom felt that the historical moment had arrived for minimizing the role of Islam in the construction of society. This entry discusses the origins of Islamic modernism and several key reformers of the movement: Rifa'a al-Tahtawi, Khayr al-Din, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Rida, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, and Muhammad Iqbal.

Origins

As an intellectual pursuit, Islamic modernism arose from reformist movements scattered throughout the Middle and Near East. Entire classes of intelligentsia, such as French-educated intellectuals in Egypt and British-educated intellectuals in British India, gradually gained political positions under their colonial administrators and began calling for broad reforms of the social and political order. These pressures for reformation were answered by rulers such as Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II (r. 1876–1909), who authorized the Ottoman constitution of 1876, and Muzaffar al-Din Shah (r. 1896–1907) in Iran, who signed a new constitution in 1906. The role of Islamic thought in shaping democratic political authorities was addressed by Rifa'a al-Tahtawi (1801–1873) in Egypt and Khayr al-Din (ca. 1820/1830–1870) in Tunisia. Both men attempted to preserve an Islamic identity within the new democratic and political systems authorized by the Ottoman sultan while simultaneously legitimating these new systems to Muslims of various ethnicities and social beliefs. Tensions soon emerged as officials of these new political, legal, and economic systems demanded bureaucracies trained by educational institutions, which replaced traditional Islamic educational authorities with Western-educated faculty; also, the curriculum changed to emphasize the sciences.

Reformers

Tahtawi and Khayr al-Din

Reformers like Tahtawi and Khayr al-Din framed their political and social projects as necessary to answering emergent Western colonial authority and economic dominance. For Tahtawi and Khayr al-Din, Western political authority, which threatened the Islamic umma—a religious concept denoting the universal, global, community of Muslims—presented an opportunity for reconciling Islamic law, the Shari'a, with the exercise of human reason. Tahtawi offered the concept of human welfare as a fundamental concern of both a successful political state and the Islamic tradition and therefore felt that it offered a useful means of reconciling an individual's identity as a Muslim with that of a citizen possessing rights within the legal frameworks of the state. For Khayr al-Din, the umma, not the state, was the central element of political authority, and the upholding of the Shari'a was essential to preserving an Islamic society. Unlike Tahtawi, Khayr al-Din demanded a reform of legal institutions to maintain a just society predicated on Islamic law.

By the midpoint of the 19th century, Muslim intellectuals proposed various responses to address the emergent and overwhelming European political and economic interference. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 and the British bombardment of Alexandria in 1882 demonstrated the necessity of an urgent response to increasing European technological and military superiority. Though this superiority was predicated on controversial economic measures, intellectuals of Islamic modernism turned their critiques toward perceived internal causes to explain the failure of their societies to answer European challenges. Turning to the history of Islamic thought, the intellectuals divided contemporary Islamic societies into those confined to the blind and irrational imitation of past precedent—taqlid—and those liberated by the exercise of ijtihād—a term derived from the same Arabic root as jihad, signifying the usage of independent human reason in legal affairs. Ijtihād was used both as a challenge to traditional political authorities and as a basis for new reforming educational institutions. Traditional authorities were displaced by a generation of intellectuals who gained the ability to converse with traditional sources of thought—the Qur'an, the Hadith, and political tradition—without the need of those authorities who had for so long delineated their interpretation and usage.

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