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Even though in the United States “Evangelicals” are often seen as supporters of the status quo, this religiously conservative Christian sector has started and joined movements, both religious and sociopolitical, of all kinds. Indeed, sociologist Michael Young has argued that the religious sentiments, rituals, and theology of American Evangelicals in the temperance and antislavery movements played the primary role in the development of the first national social movements in the United States by laying the groundwork for a “confessional protest” mixing public confession with strategic organizing. Evangelicals are no strangers to social movements.

A Global Phenomenon

Today, Evangelicals from Asia and the Global South are at least as active in social movements, if not more so, than their counterparts in North America and western Europe. In fact, the enormous growth of evangelicalism, especially in its Pentecostal and charismatic expressions, is arguably one of the most successful global movements of the 20th century. After all, Pentecostalism emerged from a tiny group of marginal religious enthusiasts in Kansas and California at the beginning of the century only to become a vast swath of global Christianity representing, by conservative estimates, approximately 250 million people, or 4% of the global population. Although a number of large denominations such as the Assemblies of God do exist, Pentecostalism has been a largely schismatic movement from its inception, aided in part by its institutional flexibility. Dissatisfied members or clergy who feel so moved by the Holy Spirit can separate to form new or independent congregations and denominations and tend to do so with great frequency and entrepreneurial zeal. Furthermore, Pentecostal congregations, both in North America as well as in the Global South, provide rituals of healing and a warm surrogate family that aid many in negotiating personal and familial crises—crises that are all too common in the barrios, favelas, and shantytowns on the outskirts of a globalized economy. But Pentecostalism's greatest vitality and a key factor in its attraction lies in its ability to tap deep emotions within the worship service, harnessing enthusiastic music, close physical proximity, and mutual focus of attention to generate moments of personal transformation, especially amenable to individuals (e.g., “exiting” gang members) eager to reconstruct a failed or stigmatized identity.

Traditionally, Pentecostals, who understand themselves as firmly within the evangelical tradition, have tended to embrace the conservative doctrine of evangelical Christianity and bear a decidedly sectarian approach to politics. They have thus preferred to focus on matters of the soul rather than get involved in the messy world of politics. But Donald Miller and Tetsunao Yamomori have argued that a new generation of “progressive Pentecostals” is emerging around the globe. Spurred to action by theological reflection and a “coming of age,” as more and more Pentecostal youth gain an education and become professionals, these progressives still tend to avoid direct political action but aim to address the social and physical in addition to the spiritual needs of the poor in their communities. Although the authors believe that progressive Pentecostalism is gaining momentum, they recognize that there are other forces within Pentecostalism that have led many in other directions, including a “health and wealth” gospel.

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