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In the context of globalization—the global movement of religious systems, organizations, and people—assimilation refers to a mode of religious settlement in which the “arriving” group becomes over time indistinguishable from the “receiving” or “host” community or society. “They” become sufficiently like “us” so that “we” no longer sense that “they” are alien, different, strange, or otherwise “other.” They change enough for us to accept them as “one of us.” It is also assumed that the assimilation process will leave the “host” society intact and unchanged. “We” have no need to change and in fact do not. Assimilation has been and still is the declared immigration policy of some nations and is proclaimed as the desirable settlement outcome by some in many nations. This entry first presents three case studies and then discusses religious settlement and other challenges to assimilation.

Case Studies

Three case studies drawn from Australia, one of the world's most religiously diverse and selfconsciously multicultural societies, will help draw out the issues raised in considering the concept of assimilation.

The first case involves Dutch and German migrants to Australia, who are said to be models of assimilation. They arrived in substantial numbers immediately following World War II. They came, shed most of their European ways, learned English, worked hard, bought homes in ethnically mixed suburbs, and for all intents and purposes “disappeared” into the larger society. Schmidt and Smit became Smith as many anglicized their names. The fact that a few shops, such as the Hollandse Winkel, catered to the peculiar tastes of these migrants was seen as part of fitting in alongside those that sold English and Scottish goods. While some found it necessary to establish a different form of Christianity than was previously available in Australia—the Reformed Churches of Australia and the German Evangelical Lutheran Church are examples—most joined the already existing churches. Dutch Reformed became Presbyterians, staying within a Calvinist theological frame but shifting to a British variety of it. While the arriving Catholics largely went to Australian Catholic parishes, there were complaints that the Catholic Church was too Irish. The children of these migrants entered the larger mate selection pool and had comparatively low rates of in-marriage. The Dutch and Germans assimilated within one generation, sufficiently enough to become essentially invisible by the end of the 1960s. During this time, Australia and Australians did little to accommodate these migrants, being neither much affected by them nor adopting much from them.

Not so for the Italians and Greeks who followed the Dutch and Germans in the migrations of the 1960s and 1970s. The cultural differences were greater. There were differences in language, dress, cuisine, physical appearance, and religion. There were also significantly more of these groups than of the Germans and the Dutch. Rather than refugees from war-torn Europe, these groups became the leading edge of migration brought to Australia to supply unskilled factory labor and tended to be of working-class and agrarian origins. They painted their houses different colors, planted different gardens, insisted on good coffee, and provided a very different cuisine. They stood out on the streets and in the school yards and established increasing numbers of shopping areas catering to their tastes and religious requirements. They also opened large numbers of restaurants that not only served their tastes but radically transformed Australia's dining-out expectations. The Italians substantially swelled the ranks of the Catholic Church over time along with other migrant groups, making it more numerous than the previously dominant Anglican Church. Greeks greatly expanded the numbers of Orthodox Christians in Australia and made Melbourne the third largest Greek city in the world. While still being distinctive, Australians of Greek and Italian origin are no longer seen as foreign, and life in Australia is inconceivable without their flavors in the mix of things Australian. But have they (been) assimilated? Neither they nor the “host” society have been unchanged in the process. With 24% of Australians born overseas and 50% having at least one parent born overseas and coming from hundreds of countries, Australia now sees itself as having many cultures within the one society and has little occupational, residential, or other clumping of migrant groups. The Italians and Greeks had the leading edge in those changes that transformed Australia from a British Protestant society to one that is both multicultural and religiously diverse.

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