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Over the past two decades, human geographers have taken an increasing critical interest in the mass media. This development reflects the growing recognition that the media are centrally implicated in both (a) the constitution, experience, and representation of space, place, landscape, and environment (in short, geography) and (b) the mechanisms by which geography in its various incarnations, in turn, is implicated in social processes. Of all the mass media, television is seen as perhaps centrally important in these regards; for, despite the rapid growth in penetration and usage of the Internet and notwithstanding the ongoing cultural, economic, and political significance of newspapers, magazines, and radio, it is widely believed that for the bulk of the world's population, television is the most socially material mass medium.

Geographers have studied television's social role from a large number of different angles, which can usefully be grouped into three categories, and it is around these three categories that this entry is organized. The first category is geographies on television—in other words, the ways in which geography (i.e., space, place, landscape, and environment) is represented in television programming. The second category is geographies of television: what significant geographical patterns and processes can be identified in the organization of television itself as both an industry (which produces and distributes programming) and a technology (through which people receive and watch such programming). The final category is harder to define but can perhaps best be described as the myriad ways in which television shapes and reshapes the fundamental experience of space and place and of spatially mediated identities.

Geographies on Television

There is now a large and rapidly expanding literature dealing with the ways in which geographies are conveyed on screen. The literature shows that it pays to think closely about the representation of both generic and more specific geographies. Generic geographies include the following generalized places: the city, the suburbs, “nature,” the desert, the road, and “home.” By “specific” geographies, we mean actual real-world places situated at all manner of different scales: Africa, the Middle East, the United States, Northern England, Baghdad, Manhattan, and so on.

Just as geographers have been interested in a wide range of different geographies and their materialization in programming, so too have they analyzed these representations from a variety of different vantage points. Some of the analysis has been relatively straightforward—concerned “merely” with understanding how a particular space or place has been conveyed and what that representation tells us about the geography in question that we might not have known before. Increasingly, however, geographers have sought to read “back” from programming to the society that produces it. What can we learn from geography's representation on television—its structure, form, contents, and even absences—about, for instance, the prevailing social constructions of race, gender, and class? Finally, geographers have sought to more directly link representation and “reality.” A good example of this has been work demonstrating how television's representation of a particular place can radically alter social consumption (e.g., tourist visits) of that place.

Geographies of Television

The analysis of geographies of television has looked at television as a material process through all stages of its life span. These begin with production: Where is television programming filmed, and what notable trends can we discern in this respect? Here, for instance, one of the central themes of recent literatures has been to track the emigration of shooting from traditional locations—Hollywood being the archetypal example—to newer and often lower-cost sites, a development referred to as “runaway” productions.

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