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Geographers’ use of the term resistance refers to three different, but interrelated, arenas of research: (1) social movements, (2) social protest, and (3) everyday and psychic forms of resistance. Thus, while the word resistance is something of a catch-all term and carries considerable intellectual baggage, it has come to serve as a useful mechanism by which a variety of different approaches to the study of social conflict, opposition to domination, and the assertion of power can be understood.

What unites all such seemingly disparate studies is the key belief that not only is the study of resistance critical to understanding social and cultural change, but also all geographies are forged by a negotiation between methods of control and modes of contestation. In other words, geography is not a fixed “backdrop” to social life but instead is a transformative agent in itself. Thus, the where of resistance is important—though this might equally be in a figurative, psychic, or virtual space—but of equal consequence is the fact that resistance is always mobilized through spaces and is thus shaped and given meaning by geography. Conversely, as the term social movements implies, resistances generate reconfigurations of spaces as the actants (humans as well as other nonhuman “things”) and meanings move. For example, after the revolution of 1789, the Parisian Bastille was understood no longer as a space of oppression but instead as a symbolic place of liberation. This spatiality is often rather more complex and multilayered, with resistances generating multiple and constantly shifting meanings. A capital-intensive factory, say, can be transformed without the knowledge of the management into a space of dissent by workers’ feigning ignorance over quality procedures. In whichever way it is manifested, resistance is a profoundly spatial project. This entry first describes the development of geographical analysis addressing resistance. It then reviews some of the criticisms of this concept as it has been used in geography, as well as current research that has emerged in the wake of such critiques.

Evolution of Geographies of Resistance

The concept of resistance, while having a long intellectual history in the broader social sciences and humanities, is a relatively new field of study for human geographers. Thus, while historians and sociologists have long studied the iconic American and French Revolutions of 1775–1783 and 1789, respectively, geographers’ interest is more recent. While it is possible to locate traces of interest in geographies of resistance before the 1970s, most notably in the work of the 19th-century geographer Élisée Reclus, the so-called radical turn brought the study of class struggle and urban social movements firmly to the fore of human geographical research. Central to this new enthusiasm were the armed struggles in several developing countries, the riots in American ghettos in the late 1960s, and the student riots in Paris—and elsewhere—in the spring of 1968. Against such pressing problems, the abstract mathematical modeling of spatial science seemed extraordinarily socially inert.

Meanwhile, “historians from below,” most notably Christopher Hill, Eric Hobsbawm, George Rudé, and E. P. Thompson, had, through the application of Marxist theories, blazed a trail in the study of popular movements. Marxism's central acceptance of the Hegelian concept of dialectics positioned social conflict as something central to all societies and thus, by definition, to the study of human geographies. Class conflict, as many Marxists would suggest, is not only the inevitable product of dialectical tensions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat but also the result of the dialectical emergence of “antisystems” in opposition to the institutionalized state. This understanding that societies are never inert but always volatile due to their composition of competing social groups and diametrically opposed class interests necessarily places a strong degree of emphasis on revolutionary change and associated social movements. David Harvey's Social Justice and the City (1973), the book that blazed a trail in applying Marxist thought to the study of geographical change, offered a rather more nuanced approach. Indeed, the beauty of Harvey's book—and the key to its huge intellectual influence in the discipline—was that, as it displayed Harvey's structuralist understandings and belief in the pursuit of one united democratic socialist movement, it offered for the first time a geographical take on Marxist thought. Moreover, its analysis of the North American city highlighted not potentially revolutionary actions but, instead, the resistances offered to the white, upper-middle-class political and economic hegemony.

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