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Over the past century, racial/ethnic minorities have grown as a proportion of the U.S. population. More attention has been given to their family experiences, and the lenses through which their families are viewed have been modified as scholars have recognized that U.S. family life is not and never has been monolithic or stagnant.

The family is frequently a site of cultural and political controversy because it is often viewed as the guardian of societal values or the womb in which each generation is created and molded. A society's sustain-ability is assumed to be dependent on the quality of its families. Consequently, governments generate incentives and disincentives, sometimes quite severe, privileging or disallowing certain family practices. Past policies have prohibited interracial marriage and used sterilization to prevent reproduction by poor or disabled people. Today, some states deprive women of public assistance if they have additional children, and other states constrict the grounds for divorce.

Then and now, such policies disproportionately affect families of color because racial minority families historically experienced higher levels of divorce, nonmarital births, and single parenting than did White families. However, during recent decades, these trends have increased at a faster rate among White families, so that the gaps between the races are in many cases smaller than they were previously. For instance, nonmarital births have been increasing for all racial/ethnic groups. In 1980, 57% of African American births were nonmarital, whereas 9% of White births were nonmarital. In 2004, nonmarital births accounted for 69% of Black births and 25% of White births, indicating a 21% increase for Blacks but a 178% increase for Whites. In terms of teen births, in 1991 African Americans had the highest rate of teen births, but during the ensuing decade they experienced the steepest decline, so that by 2002 Hispanic American girls had the highest rate. These changing trends are reflected in the way in which scholars have approached the study of families of color.

From Culture to Structure

Until recently, researchers analyzed these trends among families of color within a “deprivation” or “pathology” framework. Juxtaposed against an idealized model of White middle-class families, explanations for the differences centered on an analysis of cultural deficiencies that itself substituted for previous biological/genetic explanations. Illustrative of the cultural deprivation approach was Daniel Moynihan's pivotal 1965 Department of Labor report on Black families in which he argued that pathologies within the Black family had caused high rates of crime, delinquency, and poverty. Moynihan built on the work of E. Franklin Frazier, who had written the first historical analysis of Black American families in 1932. Frazier had focused on the effects of slavery and economic exploitation, suggesting that African American cultural moorings had been destroyed, resulting in a predominance of “matriarchal” households. Although Moynihan's conclusions were not unlike Frazier's, Moynihan's analysis shifted the focus from historical and structural factors and pointed instead to the Black family as the cause of social problems in the Black community. In truth, both scholars focused on poor Black families and overlooked the fact that two-parent families accounted for the majority of Black households until the 1980s. Around the same time, Oscar Lewis studied the Mexican community, concluding that generations of poverty had changed their cultural values and that now those values (e.g., fatalism, hypermasculinity, immediate gratification, low aspirations) were themselves the cause of problems the community faced. Instead of advocating societal reform, these conclusions suggested reforming families themselves, and many viewed this as “blaming the victim.”

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