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As originally described by anthropologist Oscar Lewis in the 1950s and the 1960s, culture of poverty refers to a distinct way of life—a set of attitudes, outlook, and behavior—that purportedly characterizes the poor. Under the culture-of-poverty thesis and its variants that have emerged over the years, a wide-ranging number of characteristics have been attributed to the poor, many of them negative and stigmatizing. For example, a lack of aspiration and commitment to work, the inability to defer gratification, sexual promiscuity, and a propensity for violence are a few of the many traits that according to the thesis constitute a culture of poverty. Central to the thesis is the belief that these pathological and mal-adaptive values and behaviors are passed down from generation to generation, becoming self-perpetuating barriers that prevent the poor from taking advantage of improved conditions or opportunities.

Because racial and ethnic minorities remain disproportionately affected by poverty, the culture-of-poverty thesis has been of enduring interest to students of poverty and inequality, as well as students of race and ethnicity. Although the thesis has been harshly criticized and now largely discredited by scholars on a number of theoretical and empirical grounds, it still continues to influence popular discourse and political debates on poverty in the United States. This entry describes (a) the historical origins and the basic tenets of the culture of poverty thesis, (b) its application to contemporary problems of poverty among ethnic and racial minorities in the United States, (c) the impact of the thesis on U.S. social welfare policy, and (d) the major critiques of the thesis.

Historical Origins

The idea that culture can explain the social and economic positions of disadvantaged groups did not originate with Lewis. However, the term culture of poverty was first coined by Lewis, and it was through his extensive and detailed ethnography of poor families in Mexico and Puerto Rico that the idea gained widespread currency. Lewis contended that the poor who live in a culture of poverty display remarkable similarity in the structure of their families, in their interpersonal relations, and in their value systems. Lewis referred to these similarities as “universal” characteristics, which he delineated in a list consisting of as many as eighty economic and psychosocial traits. Included in this list were feelings of inferiority and dependency, lack of social organization, early initiation into sex, female-headed households, and child abandonment, among many others.

Lewis observed that these characteristics are both an adaptation and a reaction of the poor to their marginalized status. He argued, however, that once these psychological and behavioral patterns become established, they assume a “life of their own” and act as independent forces that impede social mobility and perpetuate the cycle of poverty from one generation to the next. Lewis suggested that not all poor live in a culture of poverty. Instead, he argued that a culture of poverty is most likely to be present among the poor in a class-stratified, highly individualized, and capitalistic society and least likely to be found in socialist countries. Lewis believed that the poor in socialist countries are active members of trade unions, which equip them with class consciousness and a sense of solidarity, and have hope that insulates them from a culture of poverty.

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