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The term civil religion, also known as national religion, civic piety, or religious nationalism, has been used in academic discussions and at times public rhetoric to refer to a variety of concepts that cluster around the deification of the polity, most recently in and with reference to the United States. Traced to the Hellenic period, the term is often identified with its 1762 use in The Social Contract, by French political philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. More recently, the term was given new life after serving as the focus of a 1967 Daedalus article by sociologist of religion Robert N. Bellah. In the 40 years since the appearance of this article, the term has been the subject of considerable debate on a variety of points, including its definition, whether it has any substantive reality or exists merely as a convenient interpretive device for scholars, and whether it is unique to the United States or is translatable to other cultures around the globe (or across time). While much of the scholarship has focused on civil religion as a rhetorical expression of quasi-religiosity, a growing body of literature examines civil religion in various spatial and ritualistic manifestations. A growing body of literature also examines the hegemonic presumptions and constructions of centralized power inherent in the concept of civil religion. This entry summarizes that literature.

Pledging allegiance to the flag. Fourth graders at Longstreth Elementary School are shown pledging allegiance to the flag in Warminster, Pennsylvania (March 24, 2004). The phrase “one nation under God” in the pledge is one instance of U.S. civil religion—the deification of the polity. Some argue that religion, and Christian faith in particular, receives too much encouragement in public life, but others argue that religious expression is too often stifled.

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Source: Getty Images.

America as Religion

Focusing on speeches delivered by U.S. presidents from Washington to Johnson, Robert Bellah examined the “religious dimension” of public life in the United States, which coexists with (and often reinforces) tradition-based institutional religion (primarily but not exclusively Protestantism) but often serves to legitimate the authority of the state. This dimension—evident in the beliefs, symbols, and rituals surrounding the presidential speeches (and other civic acts)—Bellah called the American civil religion, in deference to, but not to be confused with, Jean-Jacques Rousseau's use of the term 2 centuries earlier.

In The Social Contract, Rousseau grappled with the nature of a state's authority, asking, for example, how a democracy could justify as fair the abrogation of the rights of the minority just because they were outnumbered. Rousseau argued that a democracy must retain at its core a belief in the myth that at some foundational moment, there was universal agreement that the majority would rule and that the minority would abide by a temporary loss of privilege to accommodate this agreement. This myth justifies the possibility of being in the minority and having to sacrifice to the will of the majority. It also creates a covenanted relationship not just among all possible parties in the polity but also between the people and a higher, transcendent authority that serves as the focus of the entire political enterprise and the final arbiter of rights.

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