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The largest minority group in Japan, with numbers ranging from 1.5 to 3 million, the Burakumin (“the people of the hamlet”) are often known in Western scholarship as an “invisible minority.” This so-called invisibility comes from an American and European understanding of definitions of many minority groups. From this perspective, defining characteristics between minority and majority groups include racial and ethnic differences, yet the Burakumin in Japan fit neither of these categories. The Burakumin are Japanese, physically, ethnically, and culturally, and they follow the same varied religious beliefs as majority Japanese. In short, there is nothing that clearly marks the Burakumin as minorities, other than a continuing social stigma in membership. Discrimination against the Burakumin was based on occupational marginalization prior to emancipation in the late 19th century, when the categorization shifted to residency. The majority of the districts where the Burakumin live tend to be in western Japan. Great strides have been made in changing the living and social conditions of the Burakumin through national laws first implemented in 1969.

Owing to how the Burakumin are counted, their numbers are not as easily substantiated as those of other minorities in Japanese society, such as resident Koreans. For the government, the statistics on the Burakumin, including the number of Burakumin, are based on residence in an area recognized as a Buraku district, and once someone moves from that area, he or she is no longer counted. For the Buraku Liberation League, the largest Buraku social movement organization, membership is based on ancestry, not area of residence; thus, migration will not change the numbers.

Historical Background

The group now defined as Burakumin has, as its historical lineage, a number of social categories, including living in particular locations and performing ritualisti-cally “impure” but necessary work, such as dealing with animals, working with leather, or caring for the dead. Other categories included those who were traveling entertainers and yet others who were used as bounty hunters. Historically, discrimination against Burakumin was based on religious, social, and political rationales, through a system of continued discrimination defining those who perform this work as “impure,” based on Shinto and Buddhist tenets on death and blood.

This discrimination also served a political purpose. The military government was able to maintain a society that was rigidly controlled and heavily taxed, while using an outcast group to act as a scapegoat for social ills. The single greatest form of social control was the control of particular industries, limiting the work Burakumin could perform and establishing that work as hereditary positions. For example, though not all Burakumin were in the leather or butchering industries, these were areas in which the Burakumin were overwhelmingly involved, and these positions were, by law, hereditary. However, an occupation that was considered a Burakumin occupation in one area was not necessarily the same throughout the country.

Emancipation

With the Emancipation Edict of 1871, legal controls on employment for the Burakumin ended. The Emancipation Edict, however, did not eliminate discrimination. Government proclamations eliminating discrimination against a group of people seldom result in immediate changes. In addition, no programs were promoted to aid the Burakumin in the period following emancipation; the boundaries of discrimination simply shifted after emancipation. The Burakumin were still labeled as “different,” and through social and economic controls, they remained within the communities in which they had lived for generations. These communities were known as Tokubetsu Buraku, or special hamlets, and became the source for calling the people Burakumin, or the people of the hamlet.

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