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Feminist theory is a diverse body of thought based for the most part on one or more traditional or contemporary political, social, and cultural theories such as liberalism, socialism, and postmodernism. The difference between feminist theory and nonfeminist theory is that the former self-consciously reflects on the experience of women and deliberately uses the lens of gender as its preferred critical perspective. Sometimes nonfeminist theorists fault feminist theorists for not viewing reality through the single lens of the quintessential impartial and objective human being but instead through the multiple lenses of partial and subjective existing women. But feminist theorists are not flummoxed by this harsh critique. They respond that no one can simply be human. Among other feminist theorists, Susan Bordo emphasizes that reality is gendered. We cannot entirely escape the categories male/female, man/woman, and masculine/feminine, not even if we are transgendered, transsexual, multiply gendered, multiply sexed, or trying to be nongendered/nonsexed.

Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, liberal, radical, and Marxist-socialist feminisms were predominant, but they were complemented by several other modalities of feminist thought including psychoanalytic and gender feminism. By the 1980s and 1990s, these types of feminist thinking had been joined by multicultural, global, and postmodern feminism, all of which have been further supplemented by new millennial thirdwave feminist thinking. Whatever their disagreements with each other may be, most feminist thinkers agree that to be classified as feminist, a theory must proceed on the assumption that traditional, largely patriarchal, modes of thinking, which support women's subordination to men, have to be replaced by modes of thinking that equally value both women's and men's intellectual, moral, and social contributions to the private, professional, and public domains.

Liberal, Radical, and Marxist-Socialist Feminist Theories

Liberal feminism is probably the most recognized and accepted form of feminist thought today. It is predicated on the view that women's subordination to men is rooted in a set of gender identities and roles that are used as justifications, first, for relegating women to the private realm, where they are expected to bear the brunt of most domestic work and care-giving activity, and, second, for limiting women's access to the public realm and the major professions (business, medicine, and law). As liberal feminists see it, the way to release women (and men) from this confining state of affairs is to open the public world to women and, as a correlative, the private world to men.

Liberal feminists are revisionists, not revolutionaries. Their goal is not to destroy existing systems and structures but to integrate women into them. Using legal and political remedies, liberal feminists have accomplished this goal to some degree over the past 35 years. Yet, the complete liberal feminist agenda, articulated in the 1967 National Organization for Women's (NOW's) Bill of Rights, remains far from being fully implemented. Circa 2000, the Equal Rights Amendment has yet to pass into U.S. law; the average American female worker earns only 56.0% as much as the average male worker; only 14 out of 100 members of the U.S. Senate are women; and just nine Fortune 500 chief executive officers are women. Moreover, U.S. women, like women throughout the world, remain heavily invested in the private realm, where they continue to do most of the family housework and a major proportion of dependency work (taking care of infants and children, the elderly, the infirm, and people with disabilities in home and institutional settings).

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