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Job Access and Reverse Commuting Program
Over the last half-century, employment has sprawled along with the influx of suburban office and industrial parks. The spatial mismatch hypothesis suggests that low-income households have remained in the metropolitan core despite the suburbanization of employment, resulting in higher levels of unemployment and longer commute times for low-income households. Reverse commuting programs have attempted to break down the geographic barriers that have plagued low-income job seekers since the 1970s but typically suffered from inconsistent usage and a lack of long-term funding.
Low-income people rely heavily on public transit systems because they typically do not have sufficient resources to purchase and maintain cars, but traditional transit schedules and systems are unable to bridge the geographic gap between low-income people and employment opportunities. Public transportation has historically been geared toward moving commuters from the suburbs to the central city. This pattern means that public transportation routes are designed to accommodate greater inbound frequency in the morning hours and outbound frequency in the evening, schedules that operate in the wrong direction to adequately serve low-income people trying to access suburban employment. Low-income people are also hampered by commuter systems that do not meet the needs of workers with nonstandard hours or those who are trip-chaining, meaning that they must make several stops on the way to or from work to take children to school or pick up groceries, for example.
Program Goals
In order to meet the challenges of suburbanizing employment, the 1998 Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century established the Job Access and Reverse Commuting (JARC) program. In 2005, the Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act: A Legacy for Users reauthorized JARC as a formula-based program. Designed to rectify the spatial barrier between low-income people and suburbanized employment, JARC has several goals.
First, the program aims to connect low-income residents of central city areas to employment centers in the suburbs. (Low-income people are defined as those who are at or below 150 percent of the federal poverty line.) A second goal is to build interagency collaborations, broadening the potential scope of funded projects. Although narrow transit experiments could possibly produce valuable lessons or solutions, the broader approach can address larger systematic transportation needs. The final goal is to use collaborations as a mechanism for leveraging local funds and building diverse partnerships.
Funding
The leveraging of local funds is promoted through the program's funding structure. Eligible recipients include state and public entities. Funds are then passed to subrecipients, such as nonprofits, local governments, and public transportation operators. The Federal Transit Administration allocates 60 percent of JARC funds to large urban areas, 20 percent to small urban areas, and 20 percent to rural or smaller urban areas. Local recipients are expected to match federal contributions; the federal portion can be no more than 80 percent for eligible capital and planning costs and no more than 50 percent for operating costs. Ten percent of funds can be used for administrative costs with no required match for this activity.
The eligible uses for JARC funding correspond directly to the programmatic goals. Though subsidizing vehicle purchases for low-income individuals would provide access to employment, car ownership is not an eligible use of JARC funding because it would come at a high cost per person and would be an ineffective means for addressing large-scale transit problems. Eligible uses, therefore, encourage projects that involve mass transit.
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