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Wisdom of Crowds Effect

Psychologists have historically conceived of crowds as suppressing individuality. Recently, an alternative vision of crowds has emerged: Each person potentially brings unique insights, which if combined properly can make the crowd a better decision maker than most individuals. This entry will discuss the conditions under which crowds are wise, whether individuals acting alone can mimic the effects of a crowd, as well as psychological biases that may prevent people from taking full advantage of what crowds have to offer.

Published demonstrations of the wisdom of crowds effect go back to the early 20th century. In one early study from the 1920s, students estimated the temperature in a classroom. When the estimates were averaged together, the resulting group answer was more accurate than the estimate of a typical member. Although early authors attributed the result to some mysterious group property, the statistical underpinning of the effect is now generally understood: A large sample of imperfect estimates tends to cancel out extreme errors and converge on the truth. Subsequent research demonstrated that simple algorithms that weight people equally, such as averaging, often compare favorably to more sophisticated statistical methods of combination. The literature on aggregation was reviewed by Robert Clemen in a 1989 paper in the International Journal of Forecasting and more recently by J. Scott Armstrong in his 2001 book Principles of Forecasting. The power and simplicity of averaging was also featured in James Surowiecki's 2004 best-selling book The Wisdom of Crowds. The logic of tapping diverse perspectives extends to many tasks, including identifying decision objectives, generating alternatives, and choosing among alternatives.

Conditions for Crowd Wisdom

To take full advantage of collective wisdom, groups should be composed of people with topic-relevant knowledge or expertise. As important, the group needs to hold diverse perspectives and bring different knowledge to bear on a topic. Diversity helps because any given perspective is likely to be wrong. People who share a perspective will all be wrong in the same way (e.g., numerical estimates that all over- or underestimate the truth), in which case there is little benefit gained from a crowd. For numerical estimates, the benefit comes when errors “bracket” the truth and cancel out. Interestingly, diversity is so valuable that one can still benefit from averaging when individuals differ greatly in accuracy. In short, knowledge and diversity are the reasons that crowds are often wise.

Differences in perspective (and bracketing) are created both through who is included in the group—when people have different experiences, training, and judgment models—and through process—when ideas are formed and expressed independently from the ideas of others. The importance of process is illustrated by a result in the brainstorming literature. In the classic approach to brainstorming, people generate ideas face-to-face, and build on one another's ideas. However, these interacting groups perform less well—in quality and quantity of alternatives—than noninteracting groups. Although exposure to others’ perspectives benefits individuals, over time it can lead people to think more alike, and diversity of perspective is lost.

Can a Person Be a Crowd?

An intriguing recent area of research has extended the logic of the wisdom of crowds to individuals. It turns out that people can achieve some of the benefit of a crowd by digging deeper into their own minds. The key insight is that people typically rely on only a sample of the evidence available to them at any given time. But what if people had a reset button, so that they could retrieve facts from memory anew or handle the same facts in a new way? Simply asking people to answer again does not work; people will inevitably anchor on their initial opinions. There are at least two effective ways to break this anchoring effect, both illustrated in recent papers in Psychological Science. First, Edward Vul and Hal Pashler showed that people can be freed from their original answer by delaying a second answer. With the time delay people may forget their initial perspectives and think about the problem differently. The second approach, developed by Stefan Herzog and Ralph Hertwig, is to ask people to assume that their first answer was wrong and to answer the question again. Overall, averaging two opinions from the same person using either time delay or “assume you're wrong and answer again” improves performance by about half as much as averaging across two people.

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