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The relationship between attitudes and behavior has long been a topic of central interest within social psychology. Early theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of attitudes generally assumed a strong association between attitudes and behavior. Such an assumption can be found in many early definitions of attitudes, which frequently defined the construct in terms of its presumed influence on behavior. For example, Gordon Allport's classic definition of attitudes as “mental and neural states of readiness” that influence an individual's responses to objects and situations related to that attitude clearly implies that attitudes should exert a directive influence on behavior. Likewise, early theories of attitude structure also assumed a strong attitude-behavior association. This point is perhaps best exemplified by the highly influential tripartite theory of attitude structure, which postulated that behavior was one of the three components comprising attitudes, along with affect and cognition. Even within the attitude measurement literature, early researchers often assumed strong attitude-behavior associations. For instance, many of the early indirect measures of attitudes relied on observable behaviors as indicators of the underlying attitude.

However, by the 1960s, some researchers had begun to raise serious doubts regarding the assumption of a strong relationship between attitudes and behavior. Perhaps most notably, in a highly influential review of 46 studies examining attitude-behavior associations, Allen Wicker concluded that attitudes and behavior correlated, on average, at only .15 and rarely correlated above .30. Thus, he challenged the notion that attitudes are useful predictors of behavior and indeed raised concerns regarding the fundamental utility of the attitude construct. His criticisms and those of others, which came to be known as the “attitude-behavior problem,” ultimately did not discourage the study of attitudes but rather served as an impetus to better understand why attitude-behavior correlations were often so low. The responses to this question took a number of forms, and each of these responses has, to some degree, continued to be an ongoing theme in attitude-behavior research.

Methodological Issues in Attitude-Behavior Research

One set of answers to the attitude-behavior problem was methodological in nature. First, some researchers disputed the accuracy of reviews of attitude-behavior studies finding weak associations, arguing that these reviews only examined a restricted set of studies and that a broader consideration of studies suggested stronger associations. Other explanations challenged the methodology of the studies on which the reviews were based. For instance, some researchers suggested that weak correlations might be a result of flaws in the attitude measures used in past studies (e.g., people may not have always honestly reported their attitudes). Perhaps the most influential methodological challenge, however, was the specificity-matching principle advanced by Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen. These researchers argued that attitudes were most likely to predict behavior when the attitude being examined was at the same level of specificity as the behavior in question. For instance, very general attitudes are good at predicting broad patterns of behavioral responding across a wide range of behaviors but are relatively poor at predicting any single specific behavior. Likewise, a very specific attitude is good at predicting a very specific corresponding behavior but not general patterns of responding across many behaviors. They noted that many past studies of attitude-behavior consistency involved situations in which researchers measured attitudes at a very general level but attempted to predict a very specific behavior.

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