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Medicalization of Deviance
Medicalization is the process by which previously considered nonmedical concepts become conceptualized and treated as medical problems. Medicalization of deviance, then, is conceptualized as a process by which deviant behavior (e.g., alcoholism, homosexuality), appearance (e.g., obesity, dwarfism), and belief systems (e.g., racism) are subsumed under medical jurisdiction. The medicalization argument introduced by Irving Zola saw medicalization of deviance as a mechanism for health professionals to define and control an array of social problems, by redefining social problems as medical ones. Scholars note that because illnesses are constructed as social and moral judgments, they are subject to ambiguity and, in turn, largely socially and culturally interpreted, defined, and treated. Thus, it is important to mention that social behaviors, appearances, and belief systems that are medicalized as illness often reflect dominant social and cultural values.
Illness, Deviance, and Social Control
Historical roots of medicalization of deviance trace to Parsonian models that define illness as deviant because it disrupts social cohesion and, in turn, the stability of social systems. Although criminal behavior and illness are both violations of social norms, the labels and sanctions are often prescribed differently. Deviant behavior is seen as purposeful, and therefore, the social response imposed on deviant behavior seeks to alter behavior in the direction of conformity. However, nonpurposeful deviance is regarded as an illness and, in turn, is treated with the goal of altering the conditions that restrict conformity to social norms. It is in this regard that Talcott Parsons developed the “sick role” model. While this model sees illness as a deviance, Parsons clearly differentiates between deviance and illness and develops a framework for the medicalization of deviance.
For Parsons, the sick role consists of four elements: Two of the elements exempt individuals from their normal social responsibilities (i.e., work obligations) and two present new requirements for the individual. First, those in the sick role are exempted from their social roles and responsibilities. Second, the individual in this role is not held responsible for his or her condition and cannot be expected to recover by an act of will. Third, the individual must recognize that his or her ill state is undesirable and is, therefore, obligated to seek wellness. Fourth, the sick person is required to seek competent help and cooperate with the process to get well.
For illness, then, the institution of medicine is an “appropriate” institution in which behavior can be socially controlled and regulated by holding the sick accountable to ensure that social norms are maintained. Furthermore, the institution of medicine legitimizes the illness, and physicians, institutions, and organizations function as agents of medical social control. This line of thinking implies that behavior that is not considered socially acceptable is deemed as illness. Thus, like criminal behavior, illness is often defined within social, cultural, and ethnic contexts—not medical frameworks. Although medicalization of deviance draws on medical terminology and frameworks to treat problems, the process by which problems are medicalized or medically controlled may or may not involve the medical profession.
In the medical profession, the greatest social power lies in the ability to define certain behaviors and individuals. Thus, the key to social control is definitional. Social control is conceptualized as the means by which society ensures conformity to social norms; specifically, how it reduces, eliminates, or normalizes deviant behavior. Social control can operate formally or informally. Formal social controls are institutionalized and include social agents such as the criminal justice system, correctional facilities, and medical institutions. Informal social controls are less structured and include self-controls and relational controls. Self-controls (i.e., conscience) usually are internalized and reside within the individual. Although self-controls are internal sources, they are created and maintained by external forces, such as society's norms, values, and beliefs. Relational controls are conceptualized as face-to-face interactions of everyday life. They include praise, gossip, ostracism, support, and alienation.
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- Crime, Property
- Crime, Sex
- Crime, Violent
- Crime, White-Collar/Corporate
- Defining Deviance
- Changing Deviance Designations
- Cognitive Deviance
- Conformity
- Constructionist Definitions of Social Problems
- Death of Sociology of Deviance
- Defining Deviance
- Folk Crime
- Hegemony
- Homecomer
- Marginality
- Medicalization of Deviance
- Normal Deviance
- Normalization
- Norms and Societal Expectations
- Positive Deviance
- Positivist Definitions of Deviance
- Primary and Secondary Deviance
- Secret Deviance
- Social Change and Deviance
- Solitary Deviance
- Stranger
- Taboo
- Urban Legends
- Deviance in Social Institutions
- Deviant Subcultures
- Biker Gangs
- Body Modification
- Cockfighting
- Cosplay and Fandom
- Cults
- Dogfighting
- Drag Queens and Kings
- Eunuchs
- Female Bodybuilding
- Fortune-Telling
- Gangs, Street
- Goth Subculture
- Hooliganism
- Metal Culture
- Nudism
- Professional Wrestling
- Punk Subculture
- Rave Culture
- Roller Derby
- Satanism
- Skinheads
- Straight Edge
- Suspension
- Vegetarianism and Veganism
- Discrimination
- Drug Use and Abuse
- Age and Drug Use
- Alcohol and Crime
- Club Drugs
- Cocaine
- Decriminalization and Legalization
- Designer Drugs
- Drug Dependence Treatment
- Drug Normalization
- Drug Policy
- Drug War (War on Drugs)
- Gender and Drug Use
- Heroin
- Legal Highs
- Marijuana
- Methamphetamine
- Performance-Enhancing Drugs
- Prescription Drug Misuse
- Race/Ethnicity and Drug Use
- Socioeconomic Status and Drug Use
- Tobacco and Cigarettes
- Marriage and Family Deviance
- Measuring Deviance
- Mental and Physical Disabilities
- Methodology for Studying Deviance
- Autoethnography
- Collecting Data Online
- Cross-Cultural Methodology
- Edge Ethnography
- Ethics and Deviance Research
- Ethnography and Deviance
- Institutional Review Boards and Studying Deviance
- Interviews
- Participant Observation
- Qualitative Methods in Studying Deviance
- Quantitative Methods in Studying Deviance
- Self-Report Surveys
- Triangulation
- Self-Destructive Deviance
- Sexual Deviance
- Autoerotic Asphyxiation
- Bead Whores
- Bestiality
- Bisexuality
- Bondage and Discipline
- Buckle Bunnies
- Erotica Versus Pornography
- Escorts
- Feederism
- Fetishes
- Furries
- Intersexuality
- Masturbation
- Necrophilia
- Pornography
- Public Sex
- Road Whores
- Sadism and Masochism
- Sex Tourism
- Sexual Addiction
- Sexual Harassment
- Strippers, Female
- Strippers, Male
- Tearooms
- Transgender Lifestyles
- Transsexuals
- Transvestism
- Voyeurism
- Social and Political Protest
- Social Control and Deviance
- Studying Deviant Subcultures
- Technology and Deviance
- Theories of Deviance, Macro
- Anomie Theory
- Broken Windows Thesis
- Chicago School
- Code of the Street
- Conflict Theory
- Feminist Theory
- Institutional Anomie Theory
- Marxist Theory
- Peacemaking Criminology
- Queer Theory
- Routine Activity Theory
- Social Disorganization Theory
- Social Reality Theory
- Southern Subculture of Violence
- Structural Functionalism
- Theories of Deviance, Micro
- Accounts, Sociology of
- Biosocial Perspectives on Deviance
- Constructionist Theories
- Containment Theory
- Control Balance Theory
- Control Theory
- Differential Association Theory
- Dramaturgy
- Drift Theory
- Focal Concerns Theory
- General Strain Theory
- Identity
- Identity Work
- Individualism
- Integrated Theories
- Labeling Approach
- Neutralization Theory
- Phenomenological Theory
- Rational Choice Theory
- Reintegrative Shaming
- Self-Control Theory
- Self-Esteem and Deviance
- Self, The
- Social Bonds
- Social Learning Theory
- Sociolinguistic Theories
- Somatotypes: Sheldon, William
- Symbolic Interactionism
- Transitional Deviance
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