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Deterrence
“Deterrence,” explains the title character of Stanley Kubrick’s 1963 film Dr. Strangelove, “is the art of producing, in the mind of the enemy, the fear to attack.” While an object of ridicule in the film, the good doctor was right. At about the same time that Kubrick was explaining the emerging theory of deterrence to the world, a young Harvard University professor, who would shortly make a name for himself outside the hallowed halls of academe, ventured his own remarkably similar definition. In his 1962 study, The Necessity for Choice, Henry Kissinger explained the following:
Deterrence is finding a way to make an adversary realize that there is danger, and that this danger is greater than the benefit that might be realized, and as a result the adversary does not dare take a particular course of action. (p. 12)
A decade later, the political scientists Alexander L. George and Richard Smoke, in their classic 1974 study, Deterrence in American Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice, defined deterrence as “simply the persuasion of one’s opponents that the costs and/or risks of a given course of action he might take outweighs its benefits” (p. 11). As the reader clearly can see, the general explanation or goal of deterrence remained constant throughout the Cold War. Its theoretical underpinnings, however, have changed a good deal. This entry examines deterrence theory and the history of deterrence, with a focus on U.S. policies.
Deterrence Theory
During the Cold War, rational choice, also known as cost-benefit analysis and game theory, dominated the writings on deterrence. Writers in the cost-benefit analysis school presuppose that the actors are rational and will apply a classic cost-benefit analysis. They further presuppose that if the costs of challenging another actor are too great, then the rational acting challenger will back down and deterrence will succeed. While studies confirm that this theory played out successfully during the nuclear age, when American nuclear power deterred the Soviet Union on countless occasions, conventional forces as often as not failed to deter challengers prior to 1945. In particular, weaker states while fearing the costs of military action sometimes perceived that inaction carried greater risks.
A second theoretical approach, game theory, pioneered by Thomas C. Schelling during the 1960s, also presupposed rational actors that were motivated by goals that can be rationally calculated and quantified. Game theory, however, made greater use of psychological factors and recognized that success depended in part on credibility, which is the ability to convince an opponent that a given action will invite severe consequences. In what some game theorists refer to as a “chicken game,” the deterring actor must convince the challenger that it will not back down in the face of threats no matter how severe and that the deterring party will even accept its own destruction. This refinement of game theory led, during the Cold War, to the concept of mutually assured destruction. A counterpart to mutually assured destruction, proportional response, which evolved at about the same time, stressed that to retain credibility, deterrence must be proportional to the issue at stake; put another way, a defender cannot deter an aggressor when the only means at its disposal is massive retaliation and a general nuclear war. Game theory then, far more than cost-benefit analysis, sees deterrence as a fluid or ongoing process where the actors are constantly evaluating information.
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