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Some people are more aggressive than others. Does nature endow some people with more aggressive personalities than others? Or does nurture, in which factors within one’s environment shape aggressive tendencies, also matter? Early psychological research on aggression often focused on situational factors, ignoring the role of trait aggression. Indeed, a massive host of environmental variables that affect aggression have been identified, such as temperature, noxious odors, physical pain, and alcohol intoxication. Despite the profound effects that these external influences can have on an individual’s aggressive behavior, other work has suggested that aggression is also reliable over time in the same individuals. In a powerful demonstration of this concept, L. Rowell Huesmann and colleagues (1984) conducted a 22-year longitudinal study, tracking the aggressive tendencies of individuals from 8 years old to 30 years old, their offspring, and their parents. The authors of this study found that childhood aggression predicted antisocial behavior, such as serious criminal behavior and intimate partner violence, in adulthood. Whereas the durability of aggressive tendencies across ages was substantial, it was even more powerful across generations within the same family unit, with a profound degree of similarity among the aggressive tendencies of participants, their parents, and offspring at comparable ages. This intrafamily aggressive similarity suggests that an aggressive disposition may have a strongly heritable aspect, a topic addressed later in this entry. Such research has demonstrated that aggressive tendencies are, in fact, stable enough to be considered a personality trait, defined as an enduring and pervasive characteristic that predicts future outcomes and behavior. This now-accepted conceptualization of trait aggression has redefined the way researchers approach the topics of hostility, anger, aggression, and violence. This entry discusses the measurement of aggression, models and theories pertaining to trait aggression, and implications for media violence research.

Measurement

The view that aggression can be measured as a durable construct dates back to the publication of the highly popular Buss and Durkee Hostility Inventory (BDHI) in 1957. The BDHI is an instrument that assesses individual dispositions toward aggressive behavior. It contains subscales measuring tendencies to engage in assault, irritability, negativism, resentment, suspicion, and indirect and verbal aggression. Validating this measure, overall BDHI scores correspond to real-world aggression, such as violent crimes (Gunn & Gristwood, 1975). However, the seven aforementioned subtypes of aggression subsumed within the BDHI were not empirically established or validated through statistical procedures psychologists use to identify subtypes of aggression (i.e., principal-components analysis). To address this problem, an improved measure of trait aggression was developed in the early 1990s. This new measure is the Buss and Perry Aggression Questionnaire (BPAQ), which is a modified version of the BDHI that contains four empirically defined subtypes of aggression: physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger, and hostility. Scores from the BPAQ have been ecologically validated, in that they predict greater amounts of behavioral aggression, such as louder and longer noise blasts ostensibly administered to another person (Giancola & Parrott, 2008).

Other work has focused on measuring attitudes and beliefs about aggression. According to the general aggression model, attitudes and beliefs about violence operate through knowledge structures that people develop over time. These knowledge structures influence cognitive and affective appraisals of situations in terms of what to expect in a current situation and motor responses to that situation. Research has also shown that more positive attitudes toward violence and normative beliefs about aggression relate to higher levels of aggressive behavior.

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