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Memory processes play an important but often overlooked role in the media violence literature. Scholars who study media violence effects have tended to approach the issue of memory in one of two ways. First, several theoretical perspectives have relied on memory as a mechanism that can explain the effects of exposure to media violence. Second, some researchers have focused specifically on audiences’ memories for media violence as outcomes of exposure. Both perspectives are described in this entry, after a brief review of different types of memory processes and systems.

Types of Memory

There are numerous ways of conceptualizing human memory. Some scholars have categorized human memory based on time (i.e., short term versus long term) whereas others have viewed memory as consisting of multiple, independent systems. For example, some scholars have argued that human memory can be categorized into two overall systems: the declarative memory system and the nondeclarative memory system. Nondeclarative, or implicit memory, refers to memory without awareness. For example, memory for skills and habits—such as driving a car or using a remote control—fall under the category of nondeclarative memory. Declarative memory refers to memories that can be described and involve awareness.

Declarative memory can further be categorized into subsystems that include semantic memory and episodic memory. The semantic memory system is memory for factual information: the Beatles’ first #1 song, or the name of the director of the film Pulp Fiction. Episodic memory refers to memory of events in which a person was personally involved. Memories of a first date or a person’s whereabouts on September 11, 2001, would constitute episodic memory.

As the following sections illustrate, some media violence researchers have focused on nondeclarative memory processes, whereas others have studied declarative memory.

Memory as a Mechanism Leading to Effects

Leonard Berkowitz’s (1984) priming theory is an example of a framework that employs nondeclarative memory processes to explain media effects. Priming theory adopts what researchers refer to as a cognitive neoassociationistic framework, which views human memory as a collection of networks. Each network in our brain consists of nodes that are connected by pathways. Nodes are modules that represent memories for events (e.g., seeing a scary movie on a date), people (e.g., a boyfriend), locations (e.g., the cabin by the lake), and even emotions (e.g., fear). Priming research also adopts a concept called spreading activation to explain the activation of nodes in an associative network. As explained by researchers Allan Collins and Elizabeth Loftus (1975), spreading activation occurs when a node is triggered or primed. The node then radiates along the pathways in memory and activates other related nodes in its network. This process of spreading activation renders nodes temporarily accessible in memory.

Within the field of media effects, the priming framework has been used to study short-term effects of exposure to violent media. When audiences are exposed to violent content in the media, the violent content triggers related nodes stored in memory, and these nodes in turn can activate other related memories. For example, researcher Brad Bushman (1998) exposed individuals to either violent or nonviolent videotapes. After exposure, they were asked to rate homonyms that had both violent and nonviolent meanings (mug, sock) in terms of their level of aggressiveness. The study found that participants who had viewed the violent content perceived the homonyms as being more violent than those who had viewed the nonviolent clip, and thus the authors concluded that violent media had primed aggressive memory networks.

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